Columns

• Previous government’s agreements with IMF and creditors stay 
• No place for religious extremism and racism
• Major drives aimed at bringing the corrupt to justice, restoring public trust in the rule of law, and establishing a clean Sri Lanka
• Opposition SJB mired in conflicts over national list slots; NDF also in similar crisis

Without using teleprompters, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake delivers his maiden policy statement on the opening day of the Tenth Parliament on Thursday

By Our Political Editor

Just after their resounding success at the parliamentary elections, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, put together this week his team and spelt out the priorities of his National People’s Power (NPP) government in his first policy statement.

The first was last Monday when he swore in a 22-member cabinet of ministers. Forty-eight hours later, he took part in a ceremonial opening of Parliament where simplicity was the hallmark. There was no military guard of honour or mounted policemen riding horses. He sat in the front seat of a BMW sports utility vehicle to be followed by a jeep, the only Police escort to arrive in Parliament. Gone were all the pomp and pageantry that had swept previous presidents into glorious moments, watched by their fellow countrymen from their homes and offices on live television. Social media went into rapture. They did not seem to miss out on even little details.

The newly elected Speaker, Dr Ashoka Sapumal Ranwala, a first-time parliamentarian from the Gampaha district, received President Dissanayake. Social media carried photographs of the former Chemical Engineer; a onetime employee of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) and president of the employee’s union there, wearing his wig and cloak. Instead of allowing the wig’s two ears on either side of his face to remain loose, he had connected them. The photograph of a previous Speaker of Parliament with the lapels hanging on either side was also published to show the difference. Evidently, no staffer in Parliament had advised him about the attire or it was too late. There were several other goof ups too as first timers sat down.

On a more serious note, President Dissanayake took exactly 50 minutes to deliver his first policy statement. He had a Sinhala text in hand. Without the help of a teleprompter, he spoke as if he had memorized it. Words flowed easily though he appeared a little exhausted.

An important segment in his speech is the focus on economy. There, the reference to “Implementing Agreements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF)” highlights a dilemma inherited by the NPP government. What appeared easy and doable when they were in the opposition, when they were addressing from political platforms and outbidding their political rivals, much to their chagrin, is no longer a reality. Instead, the opposite of what they said just over two months before assuming office has morphed into becoming the reality.

It is better explained in the words of President Dissanayake. He said, “When we assumed power, the country had already reached an agreement on the restructuring of bilateral debt. It also had already started discussions on international sovereign bond debt in the commercial market. We recall that these discussions were publicly announced through the media, with the final agreement being made just two days before the Presidential Election. As a result, we were not given an opportunity to revisit discussions on debt restructuring. The negotiations had already been on-going for more than two years. If we were to restart discussions on the restructuring programme for an extended period, it would be impossible for us to move the economy forward without completing the restructuring process.

Ditching pomp and pageantry, the President walks into the chamber to deliver his policy statement on Thursday

“When we assumed office, the discussions on debt restructuring, which had been on-going for more than two years, were in their final stages. At this juncture, debating whether the proposed restructuring plan is good or bad, advantageous or disadvantages, serves no purpose. This is the reality we are faced with. Based on this, we have reached a common understanding regarding bilateral debt. We are now prepared to quickly formalise agreements with individual countries accordingly. On the other hand, about international sovereign bonds and commercial market debt, we have reached a preliminary agreement. We anticipate that this process will be completed by the end of December. Consequently , we believe that the debt restructuring programme with the International Monetary Fund can be successfully concluded before the end of this year. Additionally, we expect to secure staff-level agreement for the third review of the programme this week, which will provide a credible foundation for rebuilding our economy.”

Before being voted to power, the NPP spelt out its policy perspective in a document titled A thriving nation – A BEAUTIFUL LIFE.  Here is what the NPP had to say about dealings with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in the 129-page English translation of its Sinhala manifesto:

The Programme with the International Monetary Fund (IMF):

• Renegotiate with the IMF on the content of a more palatable and strengthened programme and how it is implemented for salvaging the poor and deprived people from that painful condition.
• Prepare and present new proposals on efficient tax administration and government expenditure management to renegotiate the revenue-based fiscal consolidation proposals of the IMF.
• Prepare an alternative Debt Sustainability Analysis (DSA) aiming to maintain debt sustainability and to keep the interest at a bearable level for the purpose of using it as and when necessary, in pursuit of debt restructuring engagements.
• Conduct a detailed debt audit on foreign loans obtained by the governments to ensure transparency and accountability in public financial management and to take legal action against those who have misappropriated such loans.
• Enhance public financial management and financial discipline to upgrade the credit rating of the country and the banking system.

That speaks for the dilemma of the NPP over an issue in which they were least involved. The economic crisis was the result of mismanagement by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and his government. The abdication of his presidency, leaving behind a worst economic crisis, saw the recovery role falling into the hands of Ranil Wickremesinghe. He was elected president by Parliament. The early phases of the negotiations with the IMF were carried out by his government.

President Dissanayake said that a staff-level agreement with the IMF would be announced. I reported in these columns on November 10 that IMF talks with the government to finalise its fourth tranche of US dollars 350 million in terms of the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) had neared completion. I said that a staff-level agreement would be reached in Colombo.

President Dissanayake warned against spreading racism. For an extended period, he noted that the political framework in Sri Lanka, and the bases of political power, were often shaped along regional, ethnic or religious lines. He said, “Such political divisions inevitably resulted in growing alienation of communities. Suspicion and mistrust between different groups grew. When racism becomes the cornerstone of a political ideology, the unavoidable outcome is the emergence of counter-racism from opposing groups. Racism in one part feeds and strengthens nationalism in another. This is a dynamic we have experienced throughout our country’s political and social history. Underscoring the importance of building national unity, President Dissanayake assured, “I guarantee that no one will be allowed to use nationalist or religious rhetoric as a means to gain political power in this country.” He noted that “we may have diverse opinions” but no form of religious extremism will be allowed to take root.”

The NPP victory of eight of the eleven electoral divisions in the north was a record. They won the Vaddukoddai, Kankesanthurai, Manipay, Kopay, Udupiddy, Point Pedro, Nallur and Jaffna. The three divisions they lost were Kayts, Chavakachcheri and Kilinochchi. In the Jaffna district, however, due to the existing electoral system, they won three seats.

Sections of the social media have been reporting adversely against the NPP government raising questions whether it would abandon the interests of the majority community, the Sinhalese, when it relates to matters in the north. NPP leaders were angered by these reports which they claimed were intended to raise issues over ethnic bias. They were also incensed by a message posted on X (former Twitter) by Namal Rajapaksa, National Organiser of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP). It said, “According to reports, an Army camp in the north has been withdrawn, for land to be released back to civilians and many more such camps are to be withdrawn in coming months. While the release of land is not an issue, if it is done in consultation with the security forces, it should not be done at the cost of compromising national security. Sri Lanka fought thirty years of terrorism and today all communities enjoy freedom at the cost of thousands of lost lives. It is of utmost importance that national security is maintained whether it is in the north or south.”

This month is also significant to families who sacrificed one or more to the outlawed Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). They mark the “Maveerar Day” (or “Great Heroes” day) on November 27 when they are remembered. Ceremonies take place at the homes of the departed and in cemeteries dedicated to them. Incidentally, one of the MPs elected from a Tamil political party visited an LTTE cemetery and took part in religious observances before travelling to Colombo for the parliament sessions.

Speaking on the supremacy of the Rule of Law, President Dissanayake declared that people no longer believe that they can obtain justice by seeking redress through the legal system when wronged. Their confidence in the ability of the legal system to resolve injustices, he said, has diminished. He pointed out that this signifies a breakdown in public faith in the supremacy of law and order. Without strengthening this foundation, he stressed, “we cannot build a just and prosperous state. A well-functioning rule of law must be the cornerstone of a good governance system” These remarks were significant in many ways.

The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) has been strengthened with the induction of more personnel. At least 25 more constables and Inspectors have been handpicked. Some of the important cases, which were reportedly suppressed, have been resurrected. Reports of arrests in the coming weeks, not only of known personages but also those whose involvements were forgotten because they occurred too long ago, are due. In this regard, coming in as Minister of Public Security is Ananda Wijepala. After the September 21, presidential election, he served as private secretary to the President. During the days of the yahapalana (good governance) government, this former Police officer was the head of the committee that handled public complaints of corruption.

This is another reason why President Dissanayake referred to the delivery of justice and imposing punishment on criminals. He declared, “I assure you that the crimes that fuelled controversy will be exposed, the perpetrators will face justice, and fairness will be ensured for the victims.” He hinted at the shape of things to come when he declared that the mandate of his government “reflects the grief of families mourning their lost loved ones, the despair of friends of those murdered, and the cry for justice echoing throughout the country.” He added, “We must address not only these crimes, but also the corruption and fraud that has contributed to our turmoil.”

Though seemingly innocuous, a reference to acknowledging a multi-party system seems significant. It is a message to the international community about the new face—the NPP from its roots in the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) or the People’s Liberation Front. It acknowledges that the “essence of democracy lies in the co-existence of diverse political ideologies and groups. It thrives on the presence of political factions with varying economic and political perspectives. As a democratic state, we do not advocate a one-party rule. Instead, we embrace multi-party politics as a core principle of our democratic framework.” Thus, there is a conscious effort to delete the chapters on the events of 1971 and 1987 from their history, fade it from public memory and give them a more positive and acceptable stance. President Dissanayake announced what he called “comprehensive reforms of diplomatic service.” As is now well known, successive governments have been appointing their own political choices as heads of Sri Lanka’s overseas missions. Most, it has come to light, are unsuitable and have not made any significant contribution. There have been exceptions too, like in the case of Mahinda Samarasinghe, Ambassador to the United States. NPP sources said yesterday that he had played a pivotal role in the negotiations between the Sri Lanka delegation and the International Monetary Fund. Hence, President Dissanayake, who ordered the recall of political appointees has chosen to continue with his service and praised his actions taken in the national interest. The President has also recalled to Colombo a host of staff appointees from Sri Lanka missions. They were close relatives of former ministers and that was their only qualification. Noting that “we hope to overhaul our diplomatic services entirely,” President Dissanayake said, “We are committed to going beyond traditional diplomacy to assist Sri Lanka’s industries in finding and accessing global markets.”

Herein lies a serious issue. The role of Sri Lankan envoys cannot be totally converted to becoming salesmen marketing the country’s products in foreign markets. This is not the first time such a move has been considered. There was a Foreign Ministry adviser who sent out a circular through his minister urging the heads of missions to change their roles to secure more business for the country. It ended in a flop. The task of promoting trade and industry has remained in the hands of Sri Lanka Trade Commissioners who worked closely with high commissioners and ambassadors. They had become a dying breed. Whilst allowing the heads of missions to focus largely on building good relations, the earlier system, if revived, could bring forth better results. Of course, the appointment of suitable heads of mission is unquestionably an urgent need. There have been occasions when envoys have been posted only to help educate their children abroad. Trade Commissioners have been poorly paid.

Clean Sri Lanka

A unique feature announced by President Dissanayake is the setting up of a Presidential Task Force for a “Clean Sri Lanka” Project. He said, “It’s important to note that Clean Sri Lanka is not just about the environment. While our people can bring about positive changes in political leadership and the civil service, we also need a transformation in the mind-set of citizens to build a strong nation. Without this positive shift in citizenship, we will not succeed in achieving the broader goals of political transformation. Therefore, we must make a concerted effort to foster good citizenship, positive attitudes, responsible actions, and proper behaviour. This is the core objective of the “Clean Sri Lanka” programme.

“Though it may not be a topic for national assembly discussions, even issues at the provincial council level need attention. For example, we should ask the women of our country: Do they have access to clean toilet facilities? I am aware that some women who travel to Colombo from remote areas often avoid drinking water until they return home. Why? She does not have access to a clean sanitation system. Even where toilet facilities exist, maintaining them in a clean and hygienic manner has become unmanageable. Despite having a physical infrastructure, where is the development in societal attitudes? What was meant to be a shared public space has been reduced to a site of neglect and destruction. What does this reflect? It is a manifestation of the mind-set and attitudes prevalent within a certain segment of our citizens. Through the Clean Sri Lanka Programme, we aim to initiate such a transformative change in these perceptions.

“How do we safeguard public property? How do we become citizens who are accountable to society? How do we preserve our nation’s resources, not only for those of us living today but also for future generations? How do we drive responsibly as motorists? How do we cross the road safely? How do we respect one another? How do we follow basic courtesies when entering a space?

“Don’t we aspire to create such a society? Right now, we exist in a community burdened by tragedy, a fractured society filled with conflicts and discontent. A society where even minor incidents frequently escalate into confrontations, rather than being resolved with patience, forgiveness, or compassion. There is no space for tolerance, understanding, or empathy. What we are witnessing is a society hardened and parched, deprived of humanity’s fundamental virtues.”

Swearing in a cabinet of ministers, their deputies and setting out his policy priorities, President Dissanayake has set in motion the work to be carried out by the new NPP government. He has vowed to restore what he calls the “dignity of Parliament” and restore the public trust that has eroded.

Conflicts over national list slots

However, the major opposition parties that contested the parliamentary elections appear afflicted with a post-election hangover. Both the Samagi Jana Balavegaya  (SJB) led by Sajith Premadasa and the New Democratic Front (NDF) led by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe are still unable to decide on who should fill the national list slots won by their respective parties.

The SJB won five national list slots. Premadasa agreed that their General Secretary, Ranjith Madduma Bandara, should be granted one. There was a hurry. After the elections, he was entitled to a diplomatic passport as an MP and had to apply for it. He has already left Colombo on an overseas trip. The issue was over the four other slots. Ahead of the elections, Premadasa had assured constituent partners of the SJB—the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC), the All Ceylon Makkal Congress (ACMC), the Freedom People’s Congress and the Chairman of the SJB Imtiaz Bakeer Markar—a slot each.  Lakshman Fonseka, a family friend and now “adviser” to Premadasa had, in the meanwhile, wanted the SJB leader to appoint another person who lost the election in the Kandy district. The person concerned is now under investigation by the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) for alleged acts of impropriety. He has, however, denied them and has already declared that he has been assured of a national list slot.

Premadasa, who is in a dilemma, is talking to all parties but has not been able to resolve the issue yet. Last Wednesday, he had a lengthy meeting with his party General Secretary, Ranjit Madduma Bandara. The latter is learnt to have objected to the nomination made by Fonseka and pointed out that there would a crisis in the party if the lost candidate is appointed. At one stage, Premadasa considered the names of Prof. G.L. Peiris, Dullas Allahapperuma, Mano Ganesan together with the candidate who lost the election. Due to objections from his own General Secretary, he has now delayed the matter. Party insiders say a decision is unlikely till the party General Secretary returns.

The issue in the NDF which holds the cylinder symbol has worsened after its General Secretary Shyamila Perera wrote to the Election Commission nominating one-time minister, Ravi Karunanayake, for one of the two national list slots. She claimed it was done after the nomination was cleared with their leader, Ranil Wickremesinghe. However, United National Party (UNP) Chairman Vajira Abeywardena denied that such permission had been granted. Ahead of a private visit to India, Wickremesinghe appointed a four-member committee to investigate how Karunanayake was picked.

Karunanayake, on the other hand, blamed “two persons who are always misguiding the leader” for trying to prevent him from becoming an MP on the National List. “They went on saying give it to anyone else and not Ravi,” Karunanayake claimed and added that “they talk as if they own our leader.”

He told the Sunday Times, “Four political parties joined the National Democratic Front (NDF) in an alliance. Though the name of the United National Party (UNP) was listed, no one signed on its behalf. The Memorandum of Understanding was five pages. One of the annexures said that the NDF will be entitled to one national list seat. This is the one for which the NDF General Secretary has nominated me.”

Given the ongoing controversy, there is only one more seat available to the NDF. The question is who the leadership will nominate. More importantly, what action would follow against Karunanayake after the committee’s findings is another question. At least for the moment, the two major opposition parties are distracted from other issues by their internal battles. If the parliamentary elections were the first bonus, they gave the NPP government, this is the second one. Before addressing the country’s problems, they should address their own.