Columns

• AKD’s involvement in day-to-day operations prompts critics to question the efficacy of Cabinet ministers in delivering promises
• Criticism grows over delays in delivering campaign promises
• In TV interview, President gives candid answers to burning issues; progress in investigations into several high-profile cases
• Former President Rajapaksa’s official residence emerges as a hot political controversy, arrests expected in cases involving Rajapaksa family members
• Anura Priyadarshana Yapa says his arrest was politically motivated

By Our Political Editor

Despite the much-acclaimed successful trip, the sense of urgency was palpable. He wasted no time rushing to address government backers at Katukurunda in Kalutara, underscoring a profound compulsion. But he did not stop there.

The President held two more meetings in the Kalutara district and immediately thereafter, made his way to the studios of a television network in Colombo. It was a historic first time for a sitting president to reiterate the issues he had articulated earlier. His comments took the form of explanations detailing why the pledges made during both the presidential and parliamentary elections were facing delays. Added to that were contemporary issues like the shortage of Nadu and red rice, varieties much sought after by the people. Fears of a continued shortage during the April National Avurudhu season were cause for concern. They would not have the customary kiribath (milk rice) on their tables. He threatened to deploy the Army to ferret out hidden stocks. That is precisely what Gotabaya Rajapaksa, a former president, did. To his dismay, the display of military power failed.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake: Micromanaging governance issues

During the TV interview, the network’s journalists did an excellent job eliciting from President Dissanayake answers to many an issue. It also came as a display of the NPP government’s affinity to this network when two other rivals were considered unfriendly or hostile. Without prejudice to the more popular network in question, President Dissanayake’s approach denied him and his government the full mileage. He shut his outreach to the audience serviced by the two others. This could have been overcome with a news conference. There he could have roped in all including the radio and the print media, too. It was clearly his own personal choice when his predecessors adopted an approach for a wider reach.

Remarks from his detractors in recent weeks have grown. They drew attention to the election pledges he made. Among them: lower fuel prices by removing taxes governing them, and a commitment not to import even a grain of rice while ensuring adequate supplies locally are just two examples. On top of that, coconut prices had reached the Rs 200 mark. These were issues that have directly hit the people’s stomachs. The responses to contradictory positions underscored his concerns over public disappointment. This was just one facet of his dilemma.

Added to that came the now oft-repeated four Sinhala words—ko horu allanavai kiva, or loosely, where is the pledge to catch thieves? He had to explain the delay though how much impact it had on the public mind is yet unclear. His detractors have said that the JVP-NPP losses at recent cooperative society elections gave a strong indication of disappointment. This has been exacerbated by the continuing communication gap between those at the highest levels of the government and the public at large. Mitigating the factor to some extent have been accounts in the social media. Yet not all accounts are factually accurate.

Resultantly, a more important aspect has come to be highlighted. That is the fact that President Dissanayake, with only just over a hundred days in office, has had to personally micromanage governance issues. That is increasingly reflected in his actions. More since the return from Beijing. This intensive involvement in day-to-day operations has sparked debates on whether it reflects a lack of confidence in his team or a genuine urgency to address the nation’s pressing issues. His approach has drawn mixed reactions, with some praising his hands-on style while others argue it signifies a potential overreach.

If one were to take away the role of President Dissanayake, there is hardly any other member in his cabinet of ministers, who has come to be known for addressing issues linked to their respective ministries. The only exception, to a much lesser degree, is Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath. This solitary voice, however, highlights a broader issue within the administration—a lack of visible leadership and accountability among the ministers. Some are off the mark even in their public comments. While Foreign Minister Herath has been proactive in discussing international relations and diplomatic strategies, the absence of similar engagement from other ministers on domestic fronts has not gone unnoticed.

The President’s omnipresence in addressing multifaceted issues might be perceived as a necessity, given the apparent reticence of his cabinet. Nonetheless, it raises critical questions about the efficacy of his team and whether the current governance model is sustainable overall. For a government to function optimally, it requires a harmonious balance where both the leader and the ministers actively contribute to their roles, fostering a cohesive approach to tackling national concerns. The public, including those who voted in large majority to ensconce them in power, must be kept informed regularly. They are mostly in the dark until their president chooses to speak out.

The Wijerama residence where former President Mahinda Rajapaksa lives: This picture with the security staff was taken the day the government slashed his security

Rajapaksa residence

Against this backdrop, some of the political issues over which President Dissanayake made pledges become relevant. One such is the promise to withdraw the perks and privileges of former presidents. Ahead of the elections, he highlighted this as an item of priority. However, at the end of both the presidential and parliamentary elections, President Dissanayake was to explain that the move entailed legal impediments. There was a law governing perks and privileges of presidents who had served, and that law required change.

Then President Dissanayake sprung a surprise at the Katukurunda meeting. He declared that former presidents were entitled to an official residence or a monthly allowance equivalent to one-third of their monthly pension. His reference, the Sunday Times learnt, is in keeping with the President’s Entitlement Act (No 4 of February 1986) which came into effect from February 18, 1986. In terms of this law, “there shall be provided for every former President and the widow of a former President, during his or her lifetime, the use of an appropriate residence free of rent.” The Act makes clear “that where for any reason, an appropriate residence is not provided for the use of such former President or the widow of such former President, there shall be paid to such former President or the widow of such former President, a monthly allowance equivalent to one-third of the monthly pension payable to such former President or the widow of such former President, as the case may be.”  Though the rental is free, the law is silent on who would pay for utilities like electricity and water bills.

President Dissanayake’s direct personal engagement in multiple spheres of governance reflects a hands-on approach that has its merits and pitfalls. During his speeches, he noted that former president Ranil Wickremesinghe did not move into an official residence. He said he would respect him for the move. Former president Gotabaya Rajapaksa has vacated his official residence. So have Hema Premadasa, widow of President Ranasinghe Premadasa. Former President Maithripala Sirisena continues to occupy an official residence. He then raised issue over former President Mahinda Rajapaksa.

President Dissanayake said he had asked the Government Valuer to assess the value of Rajapaksa’s state-owned Colombo-7 residence. He had conducted a valuation and placed the monthly rental value at Rs 4.6 million on the building alone. It is relevant to mention here that former President Wickremesinghe, authorised a reconstruction programme costing a hefty sum of money, estimated to be around Rs 400 million.  An adjoining bungalow was also annexed to the complex. President Dissanayake said the Government Valuer is yet to place a value on the land. Hence, he said, Rajapaksa was entitled to only Rs 30,000 from his pension as rent allowance. He could therefore remain in this residence if he paid the balance rental every month. That was the monthly rental value of the building alone. Otherwise, he would have to quit the premises, he declared. In another reference to Rajapaksa, he announced that the former president’s security has been reduced to sixty persons. It has earlier been announced that they would be from the Police. Military personnel too had been deployed previously for security as well as support staff for the household, including cooks and waiters.

President Dissanayake warned that “If he (Mahinda Rajapaksa) struggles (denghaluvoth) he would reduce it further.” The President’s critique of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s continued occupancy of an official residence and his personal security adds a layer of complexity to the narrative. As a two-term president, Rajapaksa’s situation is unique, and the public scrutiny of his entitlements underscores the sensitive balance between respect for former leaders and the push for reform.

Firstly, for right or wrong reasons, official residences given to former presidents or their widows have not been based on a valuation of the building or the property. Thus, the government or in this instance the Ministry of Public Administration that oversees the official residences has the responsibility to ask Rajapaksa to vacate. That first step would have kept to the pledge from NPP leaders before the elections of withdrawing a part of the privileges enjoyed. The question that follows in such a situation is whether the government would offer a premises whose monthly rental is placed at Rs 30,000. It is highly unlikely there would be a house fit for an ex-president in the Greater Colombo area for that price. Moreover, Rajapaksa’s contention that he has not been asked formally to move out therefore has some sound reasoning. Moreover, there are sections in society who opine that the treatment meted out to a president who ended the separatist war amounts to political harassment and not the formal withdrawal of a perk.

Media Minister Nalinda Jayatissa did not do any good for his own president with his remarks at the weekly post-Cabinet briefing last Tuesday. Commenting on the subject, he said Rajapaksa should quit the official residence even without being asked in the light of the recent developments. A cabinet minister is thus seeking the unusual recourse to measures outside the law, one that sets a bad example for the NPP government. That is not a part of the return to the rule of law that was promised. Is this “psychological warfare” on Rajapaksa to force him out of the official residence ? Are there fears that the issue may otherwise become a long drawn legal battle? Rajapaksa is easily one of the country’s shrewdest politicians besides being an excellent at public relations. They are matched only by President Dissanayake who exudes humility. He will not fall prey to such moves though his travails have been accelerated by his son, Namal Rajapaksa, MP with a string of provocative and even sarcastic remarks against President Dissanayake. Days ago, he also formed a lawyer’s caucus to help those facing what he called a political witch-hunt from the government. Yet no major instances have been brought to light so far.

Such statements have further fuelled the ongoing controversy. In what seemed a further build-up, Minister Jayatissa on Thursday placed more details before Parliament about Rajapaksa’s official residence. He said the total land area of the Wijerama property is an acre plus 13.8 perches. The current market value of the land area, he said, is Rs 3128.4 million. The area of the residence is 30,634 square feet with a market value of the land area alone fixed at Rs 3128.4 million. The market value of the residence is Rs 229 million. The combined market value of land and residence, the Minister said, was Rs 3357.4 million. A sum of Rs 43 million has been spent from 2020 to 2024 for renovation, he added. These disclosures were to put further pressure on Mahinda Rajapaksa.

The issue of personal protection is also a matter of importance. It was Ranjan Wijeratne, as Minister of State for Defence in President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s administration, who first weaponised personal security. During his speeches in Parliament, he openly threatened to withdraw security assigned to some in the opposition. This was his way of obviating criticism.

In November 1995, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga withdrew the security personnel assigned to Ranil Wickremesinghe, then Leader of the Opposition and her own brother, Anura Bandaranaike. It was over criticism levelled against her in Parliament.

Interestingly, brother Bandaranaike made a scathing attack against sister Chandrika also in Parliament slamming her as an “unseen hand wearing bangles.” When he returned home, there was a message for him from the Ministerial Security Division saying his personal security, except for two police constables, had been withdrawn. In a letter to the MSD on November 16, 1995, Anura Bandaranaike declared, “In this extremely sensitive security situation where the lives of national political leaders are in grave danger, the withdrawal of the security of the Leader of the Opposition Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe and myself is an open invitation to the terrorists and merchants of terror to assassinate us.”

In September 2001, faced by a rebellion in her government, President Kumaratunga also withdrew the security of nine members in her government and expelled them. They included S.B. Dissanayake, G.L. Peiris, Rauff Hakeem, Jayasundera Wijekoon, Lakshman Kiriella and Bandula Gunawardena. As a party leader, Hakeem went to court and had his security contingent restored.

The provision of personal security details was later perfected to a fine art both by former presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and brother Gotabaya Rajapaksa. There have been numerous instances where they bluntly withdrew personal security to persons who were provided security based on intelligence reports or threat assessments. Ironical enough, the issue has now begun to haunt them. One might say karma.

Security question

This is by no means to say that President Dissanayake’s public threat to reduce the number of security personnel assigned to Mahinda Rajapaksa is the right move. Discerning the security needs of a person under threat should be the responsibility of security experts. It is questionable whether such warnings by none other than the President of Sri Lanka are warranted. This contentious issue highlights the complex dynamics of local politics, where the line between security and political manoeuvring is often blurred. The challenge lies in establishing a system where personal protection is granted based on genuine need rather than political allegiance, ensuring that the safety of individuals is not compromised by shifting political tides. Whether such an arrangement is possible with the existing political culture remains a critical question. This is one of the reasons why Mahinda Rajapaksa wants to seek recourse to the Supreme Court. He has already filed a fundamental rights petition about the reduction of his security personnel and what he believes are the threats he faces.

By a strange twist of fate, it fell on Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, whom President Mahinda Rajapaksa laid the responsibility of leading troops to military victory against Tiger guerrillas, to express an opinion on threats of his then Commander-in-Chief. The topmost soldier opined in an interview with a YouTube channel that there were no serious threats against Mahinda Rajapaksa. When he contested the 2005 presidential elections, he pointed out that Rajapaksa’s manifesto had pledged to bring about peace after talks with Velupillai Prabhakaran, leader of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). His government had also offered a cash gift to them through an intermediary. Hence, FM Fonseka argued, Mahinda Rajapaksa had not been a target of the LTTE. He also debunked claims that he could face a drone attack. Besides such drones with sophisticated technology being used only by state actors, there was no such likelihood, he claimed.

Of course, Sri Lankan politicians can take vicarious comfort in the fact that issues involving personal security happen the world over. Last Monday, Donald Trump was sworn in as the 47th President of the United States. This is what the Washington-based National Security Daily had to say: “In his first week in office, President Donald Trump revoked the security details of three former aides who guided his first term’s hawkish Iran policy—and who are now on Teheran’s hit list for it. Both Democratic national security experts and some Republicans on Capitol Hill are alarmed by the decision, fearing that politics is winning out over an ongoing threat. Former national security adviser John Bolton, former Secretary of State and CIA Director Mike Pompeo, and Brian Hook, the State Department’s former special representative for Iran, are all now without 24/7 government protection they’d been receiving.”

TV interview takeaways

There were several noteworthy takeaways from President Dissanayake’s interaction with the TV network. The main presenter in fact introduced the programme on a revealing note. He thanked him for joining their team amidst a dearth of public awareness. The President began with an explanatory statement that broadly answered the question of delays over arresting wrongdoers of the previous administrations. As previously reported in these columns, the Police, particularly the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), and the Attorney General’s Department have been at loggerheads. The position of the police was that they delay or there is inaction in filing indictments against those who came under probe. The AG’s Department strongly countered the view by pointing out that the material they received was not sufficient. As a result, those indicted were able to retain the best lawyers and have themselves acquitted.

President Dissanayake had heard earlier the issues raised by the Police. He said he had a meeting with the Attorney General Parinda Ranasinghe Jnr. and his top officials. He had learnt that some experienced officials in the Department had left leaving only a few behind. Among the letter were those who lacked fuller knowledge of the cases. Resultantly many files had remained in this department for longer periods. There has been as many as 200 to 300 files outstanding every year. He said he expects the Department to clear them early. Thereafter, the CID, the AG’s Department and the Commission to probe Bribery and Corruption will function harmoniously. This is whilst he gave the political leadership.

He touched on some of the ongoing investigations. The abduction and assault on Keith Noyahr, Associate Editor of the now defunct Nation newspaper, is likely to be one of the first few cases to be filed. Investigations into this case has already been completed by the CID. Noyahr was abducted from his home in Dehiwala one night in May 2008. He was found in a military safehouse, very badly beaten. CID investigators have identified the perpetrators behind the attack. However, in the aftermath of incidents, Noyahr received asylum status from Australia and now lives in that country. President Dissanayake said that action would be filed over this incident.

In the case of the murder of Lasantha Wickremetunga, the Editor of the now-defunct Sunday Leader and Attorney-at-Law, the investigation would entail considerable time. He was killed in January 2009. He was driving to work when he was attacked by four unidentified gunmen riding motorcycles on the Attidiya Road in Ratmalana. With serious head injuries, he was rushed to the Kalubowila Teaching Hospital, where he died. The reasons for the delay, the President said, is because the incident had taken place 16 years ago.

In the case of journalist Poddala Jayantha, the relevant hospital documents, like bed tickets were missing. Jayantha was abducted by men in a white van. Inside the van, the abductors assaulted him brutally after placing under his knees two blocks of wood. He could hardly walk. He had to flee to the United States where he won asylum. In Colombo last month, he spoke at different fora outlining the ordeal he underwent. He identified a top official at that time and said he had admonished him for writing against the government and speaking out for fellow journalist colleagues who were critical of the official. The abduction and assault had come thereafter. Jayantha is now able to walk with the help of artificial devices on his knee. He said he politely declined an offer from NPP government leaders to be editor of a state-run newspaper and returned to the US. He is due in Sri Lanka again.

There were also delays in the brutal murder of Wasim Thajudeen, a ruggertie who played for the national team. The President said the Judicial Medical Officer who officiated at that time is now dead. CID investigators exhumed the body after investigations got underway. Thajudeen’s body was found inside a burning car after a so-called accident in May 2012. After initially ruling Thajudeen’s death an accident, police later cited post-mortem reports saying his body had torture marks, as well as broken teeth and bones. Security details attached to a leading politician at that time were reportedly behind the gruesome murder. President Dissanayake disclosed that a Defender vehicle used by the attackers was found abandoned in Habarana. It has been painted twice in different colours in an apparent bid to give it a different look. He said that investigators have identified a group of Navy personnel connected with the incident. A probe was continuing to ascertain the individual identities of these personnel.

President Dissanayake also commented on CID investigations into the construction of a 12-bedroom house in a forest reservation in Kataragama close to the sacred area. There has been no official sanction for the construction. The interviewers repeatedly insisted that he named the person behind the construction. He then identified former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa and declared that monthly bills—for electricity and water—had been in his name. However, Rajapaksa has denied the claims in a statement made to the CID. He has said that he was not involved and added that he was unaware of the people responsible for the construction.

The President said investigations into the disappearance of Prageeth Ekneligoda were proceeding. In January 2010, just two days before the presidential election, journalist Ekneligoda disappeared. Since then, his wife, Sandya Ekneligoda, has fought for thorough investigation and for those responsible to be brought to justice.

President Dissanayake said new details have begun to emerge in the Easter Sunday massacres. The coordinated attacks ripped through churches, packed with Christian worshipers in April 2019, and through three international hotels, killing at least 290 people and injuring hundreds. The CIO is regularly briefing the catholic church on the progress of the investigation.

Krissh case

Though President Dissanayake did not refer to it, there was also the resumption of CID investigations into a case which has remained in limbo for years. That is the construction of the Krrish high-rise building in Fort just overlooking the Colombo Hilton. A detailed investigation has also begun in India from where funds for the project had arrived. Besides this, the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption told the Fort Magistrate Nilupul Lankapura last Wednesday that it would conduct a separate investigation against parliamentarian Namal Rajapaksa. This related to a period when he was Sports Minister and was allegedly involved in financial irregularities of Rs 70 million in the lease of 4.3 acres at the Krrish Transworks Square in Fort, Colombo. The case had been one among those investigated by the now-defunct Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID). It was shut down by the previous government after serious allegations that an official sold findings of investigations. The functions of the unit were brought under the CID. The Cabinet has now decided to resurrect the FCID as a separate unit under the charge of a Deputy Inspector General of Police. The investigation into those behind the high-rise building project is also focusing on how an investigator who probed the goings on, in a surprising turn of events, became a director of the company involved in the project.

The CID also arrested one-time cabinet minister and leader of the New Alliance, Anura Priyadarshana Yapa and his wife. According to Police Media Spokesperson, SSP Buddhika Manatunga, the arrest was over allegations of misappropriating Rs. 6.1 million in 2014. He said he faces charges over misappropriation of funds provided for flood relief before the 2015 presidential elections.

Priyadarshana Yapa told the Sunday Times, “My arrest was over the disbursement of funds for flood victims provided to me by the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation. My wife and I were arrested around 9 p.m. from our residence in Kotte. I am a lawyer and will challenge the charges in courts. The funds in question were distributed through Grama Seva Niladharis. However, my complaint is over the way I was handled. I was not allowed to make a call to a lawyer until noon the next day. My statement was recorded from the time of my arrest till 3 a.m. on Thursday. I was given a mat and confined to a small room where I was asked to sleep. It was the same in the case of my wife. The way CID personnel came and surrounded my house in five vehicles showed their design was to humiliate me around my neighbourhood. All this came about when I was in talks with like-minded people to plan a new political journey. Someone seems worried about it.”

In another development this week, the story behind the differing amounts in a deal agreed upon with China for a petroleum refinery unfolded in Colombo. The NPP government said the amount agreed with China’s state-owned Sinopec was US$3.7 billion dollars for the project in Hambantota. This was whilst the previous government agreed on the same deal for US$4.5 million—800 million dollars more. Addressing a news conference in Colombo, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath declared that he had not seen any documentation that spoke of a US$ 4.5 billion-dollar deal. All the references were to a Chinese investment of US$ 3.7 billion.

Energy Minister in the previous government, Kanchana Wijesekra, told the Sunday Times, “I stand by all my statements at that time that the project involved a Sinopec investment of US$4.5 billion US dollars. Unless I see the documentation, I cannot give a breakdown.” However, the former minister said there were several additional commitments for water supply, a power plant, extra land rentals and a devoted jetty in the port were included in the project.”

President Dissanayake’s initiative-taking measures and transparent discussions indicate a willingness to confront uncomfortable truths and foster a culture of responsibility. However, whether these actions will suffice to bridge the gap between governmental promises and public expectation remains to be seen. This week the country was witness to a sample of how he is personally micromanaging the tasks of many ministries. Of course, the fact remains that he is the one person who made all the election pledges.

A fact to be remembered is the reality that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is still popular. A larger majority expect him to fulfil the pledges he made during presidential and parliamentary elections.  They say he needs more time. He has become the singular focus in the light of his team remaining less visible and more unheard of. And that is a factor he should always remember as he forges ahead with his commitments.