Columns

• No major case has come to court, save two against Namal and Yoshitha Rajapaksa; the much-hyped ring of corrupt persons remains unexposed
• Economy on growth path; Govt. strategy wins accolades from IMF and business community
• Catholic Church vows protest march over lack of a breakthrough in Easter Sunday massacre probe; Govt. springs into action, but faces dilemma over US Justice Dept.’s position
• Suspended police chief Tennakoon surrenders, court rejects bail and orders investigations on those who sheltered him

By Our Political Editor

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the National People’s Power-Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (NPP-JVP) government, hit a significant milestone last Friday—six months at the helm as Sri Lanka’s President.

The September 21 presidential election last year was nothing short of a political earthquake. Dissanayake’s victory sidelined traditional heavyweights Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa, both of whom had already tasted defeat in two prior presidential bids. Ironically, their recent attempts at reconciliation only highlighted their disarray. Instead of uniting to reclaim lost ground, they managed only to “agree to disagree.”

With the long-overdue local council elections now set for May 6, Wickremesinghe’s United National Party (UNP) finds itself in a lonely battle, abandoned by former allies. The Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) are going on their own. The main opposition, Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), is grappling with its own turmoil, punctuated by the resignation of its chairman, Imthiaz Bakeer Markar, this week. He quit all official positions except the membership. Against this backdrop, the NPP-JVP seems poised for sure victory in most councils. These elections serve as a litmus test to assess the ruling alliance’s ability to sustain its nationwide support—an endorsement or rejection of its governance.

As the dust settles, the real question emerges: how much of Dissanayake’s ambitious promises have turned into reality? Looking back at the pledges made, there is a mixed bag. He has kept to his promise to restrict the Cabinet of Ministers to 25. Though not in their entirety, the ministries have been compartmentalized according to relevant subjects. An effort to streamline decision-making also places a significant burden on individual ministers, as seen in pairing Foreign Affairs and Tourism, or Media and Health. These open discussions about the effectiveness and practicality of such arrangements in addressing the particular needs of each sector.

Dissanayake had the foresight to declare that Sri Lanka would not withdraw from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) if he was voted to power. This has been the position months ahead of the presidential polls. He continued with the dialogue initiated by President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s government. So much so, some of the initiatives he took reflect ones engaged by the previous administration. An example is personal taxation, where he promised a threshold at Rs 200,000. This was whilst President Wickremesinghe, ahead of the elections, promised to keep it at Rs 150,000. Eventually Dissanayake had to enforce what was promised by his political rival. Another is to change the fuel price formula on the grounds that some dealers were making profits. Yet no change came about. The stance with the IMF won the admiration of the Sri Lankan business community and foreign governments. The resultant stability they brought about, improving on the previous government, saw a steady growth in tourist arrivals. On the other hand, keeping to IMF guidelines has had inevitable consequences on the mounting cost of living. The malaise inherited by successive governments is therefore endemic and weighs more heavily on the NPP-JVP government. One need hardly emphasise that this is a high priority area that converts to votes during election time.

A key feature during the presidential election campaign has been the focus on fighting bribery and corruption—easily the main plank of Dissanayake’s campaign that brought him a convincing victory. The NPP-JVP communications division put out periodic video footage of the alliance’s candidate, highlighting instances and offering answers. It went on even after Dissanayake was voted President.

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake winding up the committee stage budget debate on Friday. The budget was passed with an overwhelming majority

Major corruption cases

An account that encapsulates the formal recorded messages, even weeks after he was elected, gives one an idea. Here are excerpts of what was published in these columns on October 6, 2024. President Dissanayake said: “There is a ring of corrupt persons. We need to end corruption. We have observed how their wealth has grown and how their bank accounts have been increasing. There are sufficient statements made to the FCID (Financial Crimes Investigation Division). There are statements about a young politician’s accounts. There are statements on how the money from the MiG-27 fighter jet procurement deal was transferred to companies with a postcode. Some 14 million dollars from the MiG-27 deal had been paid to a company with a postcode. There is sufficient evidence. Therefore, we should wipe out corruption. Our Bribery Commission has made 36 arrests in 2021. Who are these people who have been arrested? They are a principal, one sub-inspector, three sergeants, and five police constables—a total of nine persons. There is also a development officer, four Grama Sevakas and a civilian. A chief clerk of Pradeshiya Sabha, a technical officer, a veterinary officer, a land officer and a bus depot manager are among others. We must see what else has happened….

“Main political cases have been withdrawn from courts. The Attorney General’s Department informed courts that they would not proceed in the Malwana case where a house has been built. Therefore, how can people be punished? They can be punished only by a government which has the will to punish the corrupt. There are ‘godfathers’. After one case was withdrawn, (the owner of a security company) went to the office of the Bribery Commission and threatened officials that they would be transferred to a distant area. The official was not transferred to a distant area but removed from the investigations unit and sent to the administrative section. Therefore, to stop corruption, these corrupt people should be punished. Don’t have doubts about that. This is a project. The other parties cannot say they are free of corruption. Can the UNP say it is free of corruption? No, because there are allegations against those (in the leadership too). Can Mahinda Rajapaksa stand up and say their camp is free of corruption? He himself faces corruption charges. We will stop corruption, and we will punish corrupt people. Why is the topic of corruption so important to us? The main challenges we face today are because of this corruption.

“That is why the Auditor General has said governments have taken project loans amounting to eight trillion rupees. But only projects amounting to two trillion rupees have been completed. You can imagine the situation. The AG has said that he has been trying to find out how the remaining 75 percent of the loans had been made use of. He has been trying to do this since 2015. However, we know where these assets are. The AG can follow only the state institutions; that is the reason he cannot find out. But we believe it can be found out. Therefore, one of the main reasons for bankruptcy is the issue of corruption. You don’t want a great knowledge of economics when you know loans amounting to eight trillion rupees have been taken and projects to the value of only two trillion rupees have been completed. Even if it happens in your home or shop, you can find out.

“……Corruption is taking lives of people. This is not a case of robbing money and making houses or buying land. It is a matter of the lives of the people. Even the increase in railway fares is a result of corruption. Some engines imported have been parked for 23 years without being put into use. The loss has been added to the ticket prices. Another eight engines were imported, but only one has been put into use. Some 160 compartments were imported, and all collapsed. Corruption has had a major impact on the lives of the public. Without stopping corruption, we cannot build a country. Therefore, it is our top priority…”

Dissanayake’s anti-corruption stance emerged as a forerunner, a cornerstone of his presidency. It raised public expectations. By calling out systemic issues—such as misuse of public funds and shielding corrupt individuals—he addressed the broader implications of corruption on national progress and the economic stability of Sri Lanka. The emphasis on holding accountable not only low-level offenders but also high-ranking officials and political figures reflected a notable departure from previous administrations. His campaign also highlighted a major challenge in governance: ensuring transparency and accountability at all levels. The decision to expose specific cases underscored the importance of uncovering financial irregularities and prosecuting offenders.

Six months have gone by, and not one major case of bribery or corruption, let alone instances of other major wrongdoing, has been brought before courts. The only exception is the saga of Deshabandu Tennekoon, until recently the Inspector General of Police and now suspended. That again was an unexpected development. More on that in the later paragraphs. There have only been two cases that have seen the light of day so far. One involves Yoshitha Rajapaksa, son of former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, and his grandmother. They are indicted by the Attorney General’s Department.

According to police spokesperson Buddhika Manatunga SSP, the investigation began in 2016 following the discovery of Rs 69 million in Yoshitha Rajapaksa’s bank account. He alleged that he had failed to explain how he inherited this amount. Manatunga resigned his position as police spokesperson on Thursday. He later walked back on his statement and declared he has sought a transfer, a request now before the Police Commission. It later transpired that Yoshitha Rajapaksa held a account jointly with Daisy Forrest, his grandmother. The other is the indictment of Namal Rajapaksa, MP, for criminal misappropriation of Rs 70 million. The money had been allegedly paid to him by the company responsible for the Krish high-rise building. This investigation was also completed by the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) before it was shut down. It has now been resurrected. As is clear, these are the only two cases that have been brought before courts despite high priority being given before the presidential election campaign to other major cases. Even some of the suspects were named then.

The issue assumes greater significance in the light of the much-publicized induction of two retired senior police officers with the stated government claim that they would deal with cases involving bribery, corruption and other wrongdoings. One is Ravi Seneviratne, SDIG, a former head of the Criminal Investigation Department (CID). The other is Shani Abeysekera, SSP and a former Director of the CID. Select social media outlets which campaigned staunchly for the NPP-JVP described them as veritable superheroes who would ferret out the wrongdoers. Seneviratne is now Secretary to the Ministry of Public Security, whilst Abeysekera holds dual posts. He was first appointed as Director of the Criminal Intelligence Analysis and Prevention Division. Later, he was named Director of the Crime Bureau of the Police Department.

Easter Sunday massacre probe

This shines the light on the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday massacres, where 368 men, women and children were killed and hundreds were injured. Weeks after assuming the mantle of presidency, Dissanayake told Parliament that there would be significant arrests “within two weeks”. He and other government leaders asserted repeatedly that the progress of the investigations was being briefed to leaders of the Catholic Church. This is particularly to avoid misconceptions after Colombo’s Archbishop Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith complained that previous political leaders were hesitant to act against the perpetrators. On March 15, with just three weeks to go for the sixth anniversary of the massacres, he told a public communication forum that a failure to deliver justice would compel them to take to the streets. He declared that he was calling upon the government to fulfil the promise given by President Dissanayake when he visited the Katuwapitiya Church in Negombo to bring the perpetrators to book.

The threat of protests appears to have jolted the government. On March 16, Shani Abeysekera, a retired SPP now back in service, together with seven investigators from the Criminal Investigation Department (CID), had a meeting with Cardinal Malcolm Ranjith at the Bishop’s House. They explained to the prelate the status of the investigations so far and the efforts they are taking to bring the culprits to book. This event saw the cardinal summoning a meeting of the Colombo diocese the next day to discuss matters related to the latest briefing. The Catholic Church is yet to declare its official response. They have discussed a proposal, if not happy with the investigations so far, to stage a foot march from Colombo to Katuwapitiya or vice versa after April 21, the sixth anniversary of the Easter Sunday massacres. Along the Katunayake expressway, the proposed march involves 37.4 kilometres.

Different CID teams have been probing aspects of the massacre. Not so long ago, a team visited the Batticaloa prison armed with photographs and descriptions. They showed the photos to officials and queried whether any of those in the photos did visit the prisons in a particular period. They also wanted to know whether the people in the photos also met inmates who were in prison at that time. The investigators also visited the homes of select retired prison officials. Others questioned included several Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulkial (TMVP) members. This political party was once led by former Tiger guerrilla eastern commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan, better known as Karuna. A dozen Military Intelligence officers, both serving and retired, were summoned to the CID, where their statements were recorded.

There appears to be a dilemma for the investigators. The massacres in 2019 made headlines worldwide. So much so, the national investigative agencies or the intelligence arms of several countries arrived in Colombo on the initiative of their respective governments. This included the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) from the United States, the Australian Federal Police (AFP), Israel’s Mossad and Singapore’s Internal Security Department.

A lesser-known fact is the inputs the Sri Lankan government made available to the FBI. They included more than 700 electronic devices, such as mobile phones, laptops and cameras collected by the Police. This is because resources were not available in Sri Lanka to study closely and analyse the data contained in them. The fact that five Americans were killed prompted the FBI to conduct an in-depth investigation.

On January 8, 2021, the US Department of Justice announced that “three Sri Lankan citizens have been charged with terrorism offences, including conspiring to provide material support to a designated foreign terrorist organization (ISIS). The men were part of a group of ISIS supporters which called itself ‘ISIS in Sri Lanka’. That group is responsible for the 2019 Easter attacks in the South Asian nation of Sri Lanka, which killed 268 people, including five U.S. citizens, and injured over 500 others, according to a federal criminal complaint unsealed today. The complaint outlines the defendants’ roles in the conspiracy and the events that led to near-simultaneous suicide bombings in the Sri Lankan cities of Colombo, Negombo and Batticaloa on April 21, 2019. One of the U.S. citizens killed was a Department of Commerce employee who had travelled to Sri Lanka on official business….” The accused were convicted. Most other agencies came to similar conclusions.

In the months that followed, the then Inspector General of Police, Chandana Wickremeratne, wrote to the FBI through Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States, Mahinda Samarasinghe. He asked whether there have been any more findings from their investigations. They responded that they had concluded their probe and there was no reason for them to pursue the matter further.

The issue before those directing investigations now is to lay bare, as claimed, who the Sri Lankan masterminds—or more commonly referred to in political platforms as maha mulakaru—are. Will they veer away from the findings of the FBI in the United States and investigative bodies of other countries? Such a find, if correct, would be a breakthrough that will prove all others wrong. What if it is a departure not backed by strong evidence? Such a move can only place the government in a difficult situation. This is by placing the blame on a perceived suspect now abroad and seeking asylum in another country. Such a person, it is claimed, had ‘confessed’ to knowing others, including a militant turned politician from the eastern province, as being responsible for the attacks. A source familiar with the issues revealed that the idea was to persuade the asylum seeker to visit Sri Lanka under strict protection and make a confession before a Magistrate. Such a recourse, the source said, would obviate the need to produce fresh evidence before the Attorney General to institute a new case. It is still not clear whether he could visit Sri Lanka.

Deshabandu in court

Another issue that heaped acute embarrassment on the Police is the case of their former Inspector General, Tennakoon Mudiyanselage Wanshalankara Deshabandu Tennakoon. He turned up at the Magistrate’s Court in Matara on Wednesday morning. It has now transpired that on that day, he had entered the highway at the entry-exit point at Kadawatha. He travelled in a grey colour Toyota Prado escorted by another black vehicle where his “escorts” had travelled. The journey along the southern expressway went undetected. He was seated in the magistrate’s court even before the sitting began.

Deshabandu Tennekoon’s presence came after the Court of Appeal on Monday refused to issue notice on the Matara Magistrate over his order to arrest him. His counsel, President’s Counsel Romesh de Silva, told court that the acting director of the Colombo Crime Division, along with other police officers, were sent to the Matara area on the night of December 31, 2023. This action was taken in response to certain information collected during an investigation involving associates of a notorious underworld drug kingpin suspect who had attempted to escape from police custody. He said that while the said CCD team was patrolling the Weligama area at around 2:30 a.m. on December 31, 2023, an incident occurred where the CCD team reportedly came under fire. The CCD team retaliated with fire and moved their vehicle along the road to escape the shooting.

During this incident, two officers of the CCD sustained injuries, and one police sergeant, Upali (57241), succumbed to his injuries. According to the affidavit filed by Deshabandu Tennekoon, who was then officiating as acting IGP, it is stated that he had taken necessary steps to investigate the incident and to report the relevant information to the learned magistrate.

Deshabandu Tennekoon’s petition to the Court of Appeal said that respondents D.W.R.B. (Ravi) Senevirathne, Secretary of the Ministry of Public Security, and Shani Abeysekara, Director of Central Criminal Intelligence Analysis, motivated by personal animosity, have initiated fresh investigations and legal proceedings. Counsel de Silva argued that the investigation against his client is malicious, politically motivated, targeted, biased and aimed at framing him.

Justice Mohamed Laffar Thahir, who presided, declared that the impugned order of the learned magistrate directing the arrest of Deshabandu Tennekoon is in accordance with the law. Therefore, he ruled, there is no basis to interfere with the order by way of writ. Concurring with the order was Justice K.K.S. Dissanayake.

On Wednesday, Matara Magistrate Aruna Indrajith Buddhadasa ordered a day’s remand for Deshabandu Tennekoon. Thereafter, on Thursday, he made a 13-page order. Here are excerpts: “Deshabandu Tennekoon, who was named as the first suspect in this case by the information report of March 11, 2025, and was on an open warrant, appeared before the court through his lawyer, President’s Counsel Shanaka Ranasinghe. The lengthy submission made is that action be taken to grant bail. The summary of the lengthy submission made by the learned President’s Counsel Dileepa Peiris, who appeared for the Attorney General while leading the prosecution, is that since crucial investigations are underway regarding this case, the suspect should not be granted bail and remanded in custody.

“After considering the entire legal situation in that matter, the court reached the conclusion that this court has the power to consider the bail application. Therefore, this Magistrate’s Court must further consider and decide whether the bail application made should be accepted and the suspect released on bail or whether the position of the Attorney General should be accepted and bail should be refused.

“In the submissions made, it was requested that bail be granted on any condition, considering the threats faced by the suspect and the position he held, in accordance with the golden rule of bail as stated in the Bail Act, the rule of granting bail and the rule that refusal of bail is an exception. In this regard, the court emphasised the adherence to the legal principle of Comply and Complain.

“I decide after considering all the facts that the legal position obtained should be accepted. Accordingly, I reject the bail application. I order the suspect to be remanded in custody until April 3, 2025. I also order the Matara Prison Superintendent to pay close attention to the security of the suspect while in prison and during the transportation of the suspect and to follow the security procedures. I further order the prosecution to conduct a prompt and comprehensive investigation into the persons who have aided and abetted the suspect in hiding and to present them before the court in accordance with the orders made by the Court of Appeal to take legal action against those who have committed the said offences.”

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was only the NPP-JVP leader when the shooting incident outside W-15 hotel at Weligama occurred on December 31, 2023. I recall he phoned me that morning to ascertain whether I had heard of the incident. I was caught by surprise. I returned his call later to tell him of what I had learnt. I realised that he was up-to-date with the developments that led to the incident. I mention this to underscore the point that as a politician he kept abreast of all developments. It was only after being elected president that a CID team was detailed to conduct a thorough investigation.

Six months in office as President, the Deshabandu affaire did draw the close attention of the government. This is because President Dissanayake was critical of the process that led to him being appointed as the Inspector General of Police.

The NPP-JVP government’s ambitious promises have faltered, leaving key issues unresolved and momentum lost. A striking example is its vociferous campaign to oust twice President Mahinda Rajapaksa from his official residence at Wijerama Mawatha, Colombo. The pledge to deprive all former presidents of official residences sustained at state expense was made during both presidential and parliamentary elections. Despite bold pronouncements by NPP-JVP leaders and even cutting the water supply to an adjoining building housing security staff, Rajapaksa stayed put. The issue now lingers in limbo, emblematic of broader challenges facing the administration.

With local elections looming, the NPP-JVP faces an uphill battle in leveraging its presidential and parliamentary election slogan of bringing Uggathun (educated) and Buddhimathun (the intelligent) as local councillors. This strategy backfired spectacularly with their first Speaker of Parliament, Ashoka Ranwala, who was forced to resign after failing to substantiate his claim to the title of Dr. The fallout extended further, with complaints to the CID over parliament staff allegedly bestowing unearned titles.

The dynamics within the NPP-JVP government under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake are interesting indeed. His relentless efforts are the driving force behind the administration’s success. He has cut down on waste. However, it also points to a potential imbalance—where his pace and involvement might overshadow or even expose the shortcomings of other ministers, leading to micromanagement. This could reflect both the strengths and challenges of a leadership style that is highly hands-on. While it ensures a certain standard and vision, it might also risk over-dependence on one individual. It reflects both strength and weakness together.

Amateurism has plagued the administration, epitomised by the energy minister’s bizarre attribute of a nationwide power failure to a monkey. Both in and out of parliament, government members have surprisingly engaged in opposition politics, frequently blaming their predecessors for the nation’s woes. Yet, despite its missteps, the NPP-JVP government retains a major advantage: a weak and ineffective opposition.