Editorial

Last week’s VVIP visitor, tweeting as he did almost on an hourly basis about his “good friend” President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, was, no doubt, a well-studied approach from the Indian side intended to cement the allegiance of a president and a party that had, till lately, preached vehemently against Indian hegemony and expansionism.

The relentless charm offensive by the Indian visitor must have greatly pleased his host, who has frequently been subject to public jibes about his lack of diplomatic savvy and international standing. It swept the new government, unaccustomed as yet to high office and international visibility, off their feet. It was not for nothing that a grateful Sri Lankan President reciprocated by conferring on the visiting Prime Minister Narendra Modi the highest national award for a foreign dignitary.

The ruling party, the JVP/NPP has been criticised and crucified for its anti-India crusade in the recent past. Its protagonists, however, defend the party’s ‘bhai-bhai’ volte-face, proclaiming the world has changed and the party with it, although their complete overnight turnaround leaves many questions unanswered.

There should be a great deal of public consternation, therefore, over the lack of transparency in the several MoUs signed in Colombo between the two governments last week. Coming from a party that had lost no time in the past, and rightly so, to complain of the way former governments had entered into agreements with foreign entities, the bad habits of their predecessors were continued. Worryingly, the veil of secrecy raised suspicions that they were coerced into doing so.

The biggest surprise was the still-to-be-made-public Defence Cooperation MoU, which has rapidly progressed from concept to reality since the Joint Statement between the President and Indian PM during the former’s visit to India last December. In the current geopolitical context, this MoU can only be considered a further strategic move by India in view of China’s growing presence in the region, particularly in the ocean.

One can imagine that maritime sector cooperation is a key focus of the text.  Recent Indian consolidation in the seas and the islands of the Indian Ocean region include the bilateral agreements concluded with Mauritius and the Maldives, respectively, as well as the establishment of the Colombo Security Conclave last year. Consolidating its presence in the critical Trincomalee port region and the Eastern Province through numerous projects, including energy and connectivity initiatives as well as a defence MoU, was a major strategic gain for India.

Entering into a defence MoU with India has drawn Sri Lanka into a broader regional security equation from which it had so far been equidistant. In his comments to the media, PM Modi announced this new reality when he said, ‘The security of both countries is interconnected and codependent’. Given the recent challenges Sri Lanka has faced, what implications will this MoU have for Sri Lanka’s strategic autonomy with regard to naval visits to its ports, or cooperation in researching its potential resources in its territorial seas?

Despite years of its ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy, India has already run into stormy geopolitical weather in its neighbourhood. Not long ago the Maldives gave it the boot, but given its subsequent economic crisis, India turned the corner, taking a page off its strategy in Sri Lanka. Nepal has been pulled up for playing China against India and being ‘over-smart’ while Bangladesh turned tables on India very recently, including lining up with Pakistan. Therefore, PM Modi’s visit to Sri Lanka as a benevolent friend and helpful neighbour assumes significance to demonstrate the enduring value of India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy in a suspicious and troubled neighbourhood. This was accompanied by a cute public relations exercise that was played to perfection.

In summary, the visit concluded a number of strategic connectivity and cooperation initiatives that can benefit both Sri Lanka and India, economically for the former and strategically for the latter, as India is predicted to leapfrog into global power status in the near future. Sri Lanka must remain vigilant, however, that connectivity networks over which we do not wield control, especially when asymmetric as between India and Sri Lanka, do not turn into weaponised dependence. Contemporary Europe knows what we fear, especially when their cold winter sets in. The Indian charm offensive and the gifts and grants must remind us of Roman epic poet Virgil’s words –‘I fear the Greeks, even when they bear gifts’, a cautionary reminder of the treachery of the legendary Trojan horse.

Sri Lanka’s economic vulnerability combined with its strategic assets will provide opportunities for the geopolitical ambitions of our neighbours and friends through both soft and hard power tools. The race for global leadership has intensified in the oceans surrounding us, with projected first, second, third and fourth global economies crisscrossing our sea lanes, ports and trade routes, and scouring the ocean beds. The government must demonstrate an astute foreign policy to retain the country’s strategic autonomy. Lining up with a smile to receive handouts and grants while expressing endless diplomatic gratitude is not a demonstration of our international standing.

The President while campaigning for office referring to the ‘Aswesuma’ social benefit scheme said his party—and a future government of his party—will wean the people away from this dependancy syndrome. He said, and very correctly, instead of this culture the people should stand on their own feet rather than wait for the next handout.

That applies to governments and nations as well. Especially, when other nations see the vulnerability of a nation’s economic weakness and exploit it for their geopolitical goals, a government must be able to “see beyond” the cajolement.