A news report on Tuesday that the Ministry of Defence has instructed Army Headquarters to send four Brigadiers and about 200 other personnel on compulsory leave sent shock waves reeling down the country's defence establishment.
Within hours of the daily Island newspaper's front page lead story hitting the streets, it was picked up by news agencies in Colombo and distributed around the globe.
Senior officers in battle areas began ringing Army Headquarters to ascertain the identities of the Brigadiers referred to. Some officers engaged in planning upcoming operations in the north seemed disturbed too. Yet others took it so seriously that they began asking questions from one another.
"If there is peace in the north and east, will we also face the threat of going on compulsory leave for our conduct?", one irate officer asked another. His concern was sparked off by references in the news report to the involvement of senior officers who took part in the conduct of "Operation Reviser" as well as others holding responsible postings in operational areas.
Several hours later, reports of the repercussions the news report had in the Army and other defence circles had reached the Ministry of Defence. Even the diplomatic community in Colombo were making inquiries, obviously to report to their respective governments.
By Tuesday evening, Defence Secretary, Chandrananda de Silva, rushed a statement to the Director of Information, Ariya Rubasinghe, and urged that it be distributed to the foreign and local media immediately. Bearing the letterhead of the Ministry of Defence and listed as Release No: 143, it said:
The Press Communique from the Ministry of Defence:
"The news item on the front page of "The Island" of 27th February 1996, "compulsory leave for many top army men" for alleged involvement in human rights violations and killings is baseless and incorrect. The Ministry of Defence has not issued any instructions to Army Headquarters requesting them to send on compulsory leave any such officers referred to in this news item."
A cleverly worded statement indeed. That is not to say that the Island report was complete falsehood or as the MOD said "baseless and incorrect". The Ministry was technically right in saying, "The Ministry of Defence has not issued any instructions to Army Headquarters requesting them to send on compulsory leave any such officers referred to in this news item".
But this is to hedge the question since instructions were in fact sent by the Presidential Secretariat to the Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Gerry de Silva, signed by President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, who is also the Commander-in-Chief.
Therefore, for the Ministry of Defence to say they were unaware of this directive is a reflection on the workings of the defence system in the country. At the least if one has to be generous, it reflects a grave lack of co-ordination. If such is the state of affairs, then one can seriously question the manner in which the separatist war is conducted not to mention the Ministry's responsibility in providing security to the citizens of this country in the face of the demonstrated threat of terrorist reprisals.
It is an insult to the intelligence of even the half witted for the Ministry to stand by its claim that the report was "baseless and incorrect" when it was founded on fact and correct in substance except for the reference to four Brigadiers which is one of detail. Was it a bureaucratic blunder?
The denial does not bring credit to the Minister of State for Defence, General Anuruddha Ratwatte or President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, who is Commander-in-Chief.
I understand that President Kumaratunga's directive to Army Commander, Lt. Gen. Gerry de Silva was in respect of some 30 officers - Majors, Captains, Lieutenants, Second Lieutenants and nearly 200 other ranks against whom legal action is pending in Courts for alleged human rights violations, reportedly committed at the height of JVP violence in the late 1980s. The Army Commander was ordered to comply with the directive and report back. This however, has not happened as yet A pledge to bring to book those who violated human rights and indulged in indiscriminate killings, abductions and other illegal acts was one of the major pledges of the People's Alliance Government during its campaign for the General Elections in August 1994, and thereafter in the Presidential election campaign in November of the same year.
Within weeks of the PA Government coming into power quite clearly, this was the subject that was to generate most publicity in the print and electronic media. Unearthing of mass graves, like at Suriyakanda, made headlines in Colombo and received prime time slots in news bulletins on TV in many parts of the world.
The allegation was that some officers and other ranks in the security forces were among those involved in these incidents. Though the exercise itself generated considerable embarrassment and discomfort in the security establishment, Western Governments and international human rights groups welcomed the move as a step in the right direction. They were of the view that the PA Government, committed to transparency was making a significant start by venturing out to clear Sri Lanka's human rights record.
The re-opening of the graves bared not only gory scenes of decayed flesh and bones but laid bare evidence of the fact that there has been some mass killings. The cases are now before Courts. The PA Government has been in office for one and a half years.
If the Government had taken the step to send on "compulsory leave" the officers and men suspected to have committed human rights violations either before or soon after they were indicted in Courts, it would have been seen as a logical application of administrative procedures which prevails in both the civilian and military sectors of the Government.
But the fact that the move to send them on "compulsory leave" a cool 18 months later, after not only requiring them to serve in combat, but in fact some also promoted, and more ludicrously some even awarded gallantry medals whilst their cases are pending, has ruffled many and made a mockery of the disciplinary process.
Senior officers are alarmed at the devastating effect it would have had on the morale of officers and men. Some are more infuriated that placing them on compulsory leave, many months after they were indicted, would amount to their being pre-judged even before the Courts have determined their cases.
Whilst the Government is committed to maintain its pledge of correcting any violations and improving human rights, the handling of the entire matter shows a lack of judgement. The Government now appears to be spurred into action in the aftermath of the massacre of 24 civilians in Kiliveddy, near Mutur in the Trincomalee district.
Some democratic Tamil parties have accused that the Army was responsible for the incident. The proceedings of the Military Court of Inquiry presided by Major General E.H. Samaratunga have concluded their findings and is now awaiting the opinion of the Commander of the Army. The Court has held that 14 volunteer soldiers from a Guard Battalion were responsible for the massacre.
Whilst the previous allegations against the JVP period and the Kiliveddy massacre incidents are completely unrelated, that these officers and men were to be asked to go, only after the Kiliveddy incident is viewed as being more than a coincidence. This also illustrates the lack of sensitivity of the Government in dealing with the whole issue.
As reported in these columns last week, only 96 families have been re-settled in Valikamam sector so far although a multi million rupee rehabilitation and re-construction programme is underway. This is in addition to some 2,000 displaced persons mostly elders and invalid, who are in refugee camps.
A Male and a Female Ward have been re-opened at the Jaffna Hospital, which was abandoned after "Operation Riviresa". The Out Patients Department too has been re-opened but there is only ONE doctor for the entire hospital.
This is in stark contrast to the nearly 100 doctors who were in service at the Jaffna hospital before evacuation. These doctors and medical staff were in fact receiving Government emoluments during their service in the Jaffna hospital even though the Government had no control of the hospital administration.
It is interesting to find out their position now and whether the status quo which prevailed still remains. Now that the Government has opened the Jaffna Hospital, should they not order those medical officers and staff who withdrew from Valikamam to return and make their contribution to the re- construction and rehabilitation effort.
The same question arises with regard to other State sector employees who served in the LTTE controlled Valikamam and continued to draw remuneration from the Government.
These developments come at a time when the Government is busy canvassing local and international support for its devolution package. Linked to it are its desperate efforts to seek the return of displaced persons to a new Jaffna City.
Some of the events that unfolded after the conduct of "Operation Riviresa", needless to say, were far from being conducive to the climate the Government wanted to create.
One was the fear psychosis that has gripped most parts of the country, particularly the city and suburbs, since the bomb explosion outside the Central Bank on January 31. If the canard of the city's water supplies being poisoned created fear and confusion early last month, the Government's hurried decision to shut down schools only went to exacerbate it. There were innumerable other wild talk and rumours that went to contribute to fear, panic and confusion.
None other than President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga herself was concerned at the way fear psychosis had gripped some sectors and wanted to see counter measures taken. She directed Defence Secretary, Chandrananda de Silva, to take steps immediately at the national level to overcome the fear psychosis.
Mr. de Silva presided at a top level conference at the Defence Ministry last Friday attended by officials of the Police, University Dons and psychologists among others. He explained President Kumaratunga was keen that immediate steps be taken and underscored the need for a professional approach.
Whist the reconstruction and rehabilitation efforts in Jaffna continue albeit to a remaining miniscule proportion, the Minister of State for Defence, General Anuruddha Ratwatte, was reported in the State media of having pronounced at a public meeting in Udunuwara last week that only 40 per cent of the ongoing separatist war remains to be completed having won 60 per cent of the "bitter war" with an enemy who is ruthless.
His confident assertions follow up his earlier Hambantota declaration that he would finish the war before the forthcoming Sinhala and Hindu New Year. That is before April 14, 1996, exactly five weeks from now. Easily the best news for Sri Lankans in the last two decades.
Not having knowledge of the data base on which the Minister made these calculations, I would not venture to make any comment. However, his assertion is taken with more than a little skepticism (I dare say pinch of Hambantota salt) in view of the fact that the LTTE retains the control of a large extent of Vadamaratchchi, Thenmaratchchi and the Wanni belt in the northern province.
In the eastern province, the security forces who earlier dominated over 95 per cent of the Batticaloa district have lost their grip and now appear reduced to the protection of Batticaloa town and the only Main Supply Route (MSR) to the eastern capital from Welikande.
The LTTE on the other hand seem to have an open run in the other areas and are moving freely in the Maha Oya, Chenkaladi and Vavunativu areas not to mention Vakarai. In the last five months the LTTE seems to have focussed operations on disrupting the road and rail Main Supply Routes (MSR) during which period nearly 35 soldiers have lost their lives.
The Sea Tigers who seem to dominate the shallows off the eastern coast, are reportedly maintaining their logistics and casualty evacuations by boat between the eastern province and Point Pedro.
In the City of Colombo, what one did not dream of even an year ago, has happened now. Many parts of the city now resemble what LTTE held Jaffna was in the 1980s - bunkers, trenches, barricades, sand filled barrels not to mention the heavily armed security presence reminiscent of a city ready for war. All these changes have come in the recent weeks much after the claim of a 60 per cent victory in the separatist war.
The above ground situation notwithstanding, it is heartening to note the determination of the political establishment to militarily overpower the LTTE.
General Anuruddha Ratwatte, who gave excellent political backing and leadership to "Operation Riviresa" can be expected to continue in his role in the continuing war even though his morale raising deadlines may be questioned.
However, political will must be accompanied with sound strategies to counter the totality of the LTTE threat to Sri Lanka's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
There is widespread concern that a stalemated situation has arisen after "Operation Riviresa" and that the military success of that operation did not continue into an operational design to meet strategic objectives. Perhaps it is better to put this concern the other way around.
That is to say that even after "Operation Riviresa", the LTTE remains unfettered locally, internationally, militarily and organisationally. Hence they retain their initiative to operate on a wide and co-ordinated front against military, civilian and economic targets.
In this context, in as much as it is the Government design to neutralise the LTTE in order to create the ground conditions for a political solution, it is also important to realise that it is also the enemy's design to compel the Government into a position of weakness so that it would yield to LTTE demands.
The lack of major operations after "Operation Riviresa" indicates that both the Government and the LTTE are using this period to build up their strategic positions. Whilst on the Government side they have gone into a much advertised recruitment drive, the LTTE appear to be doing likewise.
Furthermore perhaps in the expectation of increased Naval capability, the LTTE have been stockpiling military hardware. Whilst one suspected ship is learnt to have been unloaded, the effort of another has been scuttled. However, they yet retain a capability for international arms smuggling in LTTE owned merchant vessels.
The Sir Lanka Navy whose operational capability has been affected in the recent months by losses of craft, has embarked on a programme to strengthen itself. Last week a multi-million rupee deal to purchase a fleet of Extra Fast Patrol Boats (EFPBs) was concluded with a Western supplier. This was preferred over an Israeli offer to sell Dvoras in view of its proven efficiency.
On the ground situation, the LTTE also appear to be cautious of the "Operation Riviresa" type of steam rolling operation. Perhaps in hindsight of that experience or else in their efforts to further consolidate the eastern province, it appears that the LTTE, the Sea Tigers in particular are thinning out their bases in Vadamaratchchi to reinforce other areas in the eastern seaboard.
As stated earlier, political will must be accompanied by sound strategies. By this is not only meant military strategies to gain advantage on the ground. The LTTE military effort is only a tip of the iceberg which is shored by a well knit co-ordinated local and international infrastructure to support the totality of the separatist effort locally and internationally.
These include arms smuggling, financial support, psychological warfare, economic warfare and subversive organisations to disrupt the political, social and economic development of this country.
The Government has to attack all these fronts for a successful strategy. All Governments since the inception of secessionist declarations by the LTTE and their political front organisations have demonstrated the political will to combat the military threat and at the same time arrive at a political solution.
Unfortunately the efforts have not been adequate for want of a co-ordinated strategy to attack that cancer in all overt and covert forms. Regrettably, party parochialism has been a stumbling block to motivate national drive. Hollow words of promised successes or baseless accusations of treachery against anyone who expresses a democratic opinion against whoever the powers that be is not conducive to the morale and health of a nation engaged in deadly combat.
Nor is the oft repeated branding of those holding divergent views as enemy informants. To foster ego and party parochialism by, branding anyone with a divergent view is inimical to the development of democratic traditions and national unity. Those who resort to such gross hypocrisy stand condemned of the very accusations levelled at others.
The will that the country must now develop transcends party parochialism and is not necessarily through the formation of a national government but more importantly through the creation of national unity.
A national government implies the unity of different political groups which in fact has been the divisive force in Sri Lanka. On the other hand, national unity implies the unity of people against a threat to the nation. In this case, its very survival.