Security Dilemma of a Small State, Internal Crisis and External Intervention in Sri Lanka (published for the Institute for International Studies, Kandy, Sri Lanka by South Asian Publishers Pvt. Ltd., New Delhi, 1995, pp. 408+Xii)
Understanding the challenges and dilemmas of security requires multi-level and multi-sectoral investigations. Usually the state is the referent object. But moving down through the level of state to various groups or communities and individuals, and up to the regional and international levels, the complex nature of dilemmas and objects of security become obvious. So does the fact that security has many more referent objects which may be vulnerable to different sources, kinds and degrees of threat.
Perception about threat to the security of the state, its institutions and territory can depend on ideas formulated by the ruling elite usually reflecting the concern of the majority and/or dominant segment of the society. More often than not, therefore, the security problems tend to be treated in a generalised way. All states, for example, perceive themselves to be vulnerable to military threats to a greater or lesser degree; many are open to environmental threats, as to basic societal, economic and political insecurities. In many cases internal and external factors of insecurity closely interact with each other. But this general notion can be given specific substance only with reference to concrete cases. In this context, the book titled: Security Dilemma of a Small State: International Crisis and External Intervention in Sri Lanka, edited by Mahinda Werake and P.V.J. Jayesekera, containing a collection of well-researched papers is a useful contribution.
The book covers a large number of issues related to the subject including theoretical considerations, aspects of Sri Lankan crisis, particularly the linkage of socio-cultural and economic issues with political instability; crisis of the state and its institutional dimensions; problems of political violence and rise and implications of militancy; and external dimensions, particularly the regional context.
M.G.A. Cooray's introductory paper highlights the inadequacy and ambiguity in defining security and argues that approaches to security tend to be subjective. He also shows the dichotomy between the state and individual, as measures adopted to ensure security of the state may jeopardize the security of the individual.
P.V.J. Jayasekera in his paper on "Sri Lanka's Security Problem" argues that domestically, Sri Lanka's security dilemma is the outcome of the weakness of the state and stresses that the problems of separatism and insurgency can be addressed by strengthening the state's legitimacy and stability and functional capability of its institutions through comprehensive socio-economic and political reforms. His paper underlines the "organic linkage" of Sri Lanka's security problem with the South Asian sub-systemic security and hence, its constraints as a small state.
The main argument of W.M. Tilakaratne in his paper on "Economic Change and Political Stability in Sri Lanka" is that the emphasis placed on social welfare aspects of development by the successive Sri Lankan governments, was a necessity, but not sufficient to ensure political stability. In the absence of sustained economic growth, the productive sectors were unable to take full advantage of the benefits that these welfare policies generated resulting in structural imbalances and unfulfilled aspirations which in turn contributed to social tensions and instabilities.
The crisis of the Sri Lankan state viewed against its expanding coercive capacity is analyzed by Y.R. Amarasinghe who identifies the rise of authoritarianism as the key aspect of problems faced by the country. Cultural dimensions of the Sri Lankan crisis is on the other hand examined by W.I. Siriweera who argues that though multi-culturalism has been the cherished goal, its realization has been difficult because of growing political tensions, fears and suspicions among the Sinhalese and the Tamils and the Tamils and the Muslims. Ethno-centric politics has battered the spirit of tolerance, coexistence and mutual respect and accommodation contributing to the intensification of factionalism.
Y.R. Amarasinghe examines the nature and role of parliamentary opposition in Sri Lanka and argues that the opposition has failed to play an effective role partly due to its own organizational weakness and lack of unity and partly because of the prevailing political environment dominated by violence of the militants and counter-violence of the state which were not conducive to the practice of proper parliamentary politics. ln the absence of an alternative democratic strategy the people were compelled to acquiesce in the intimidatory politics of the state or militants.
Ambalavanar Sivarajah's paper analyzes the rise of militancy in Tamil politics with particular reference to its ideological and organizational underpinnings. The impact of counter-measures adopted by the government are examined, so are the international links of the Tamil militants.
In his article on political anatomy of southern militancy focusing on the JVP during 1983-90, Gamini Keerawella shows a positive relationship between the degree of participatory democracy and the prospect of national security and stability. Anti-state violence and state-sponsored counter-violence are linked in a process of chain reaction making up a vicious circle. The crucial challenge facing today's Sri Lanka is to broaden participatory democracy which is viewed as the only way out.
Shantha K. Hennayake examines the changing positions of "Muslim politics" in the ethno-nationalist crisis of Sri Lanka. Being dragged into the crisis relatively recently, the role of Muslims in the Sri Lankan crisis is defined mainly by other factors. The rise of "Muslim militancy" is perhaps the most radical development in the recent history of Sri Lankan Muslim politics. This has been a direct result of violence perpetrated against the Muslims by the militant Tamil groups, particularly LTTE. But the "Muslim politics" led by the SLMC and the Sri Lankan government are also to be responsible. The author argues that if not properly handled, Muslim politics has the potential to emerge as an important threat to internal security of Sri Lanka.
Amal Jayewardene surveys Sri Lanka's foreign policy under J.R. Jayewardene and R. Premadasa covering the period 1977-88 and 1989-93 respectively, and analyzes the linkages between Sri Lankan foreign policy challenges and crisis of national security. The author argues that Sri Lanka's very existence as a sovereign and unitary state was threatened internally as well as externally with the aggravation of the Sinhala Tamil ethnic problem and the consequent Indian interference in the internal affairs of the Island. This was a challenge that Sri Lankan foreign policy makers were inadequately prepared to face. President Premadasa failed to develop a well-thought out policy vis-a-vis India while his predecessor failed to follow a policy of "self-restraint and reassurance" towards India - a common weakness under both the regimes.
In his article on the "Response of External Powers to India's involvement in Sri Lanka", the same author attempts to explain the reasons for what he calls "benign neglect" on the part of external powers vis-a-vis Sri Lankan crisis. His argument is that Sri Lanka did not evoke sufficient interest for external powers other than India to intervene in the Island's problems in a competitive manner. No outside power was willing to fight a proxy war. India did intervene, but as lndia's "humanitarian mission" soon became "self-serving" the Sri Lankan government and Tamil groups painfully realized the futility of seeking outside allies to fight for a cause that was not theirs.
He also proposes that the situation that arose after the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi effectively eliminated any further possibility of Indian mediation in Sri Lanka. Analyzing the factors that contributed to the internationalization of the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka Ambalavanar Sivarajah highlights ethnic affinity between Tamils in Sri Lanka and India, migration of the Tamils and the diaspora, and active role played by international media. He argues that though internationalization has helped create awareness of the nature and magnitude of the conflict, it has not helped to conciliate or resolve the problem. To the contrary, by exacerbating the problem further, it has helped it last longer.
Like Amal Jayewardene, Gamini Keerawella in his article on "India's Involvement in Sri Lankan Ethnic Conflict: Objectives and Modus Operandi, 1980-1990" argues that under changed priorities in the post-Rajiv Gandhi era India is determined not to allow LTTE to use Indian territory as a rear-base. He goes on to argue that this does not mean that India has exhausted its capacity to influence Sri Lanka. As the predominant power in the region, India has many other weapons at its disposal which are linked to geo-political fundamentals of the region. He suggests that the price that Sri Lanka paid under President Jayewardene to learn that no power would directly come forward to back Sri Lanka against India's will should not go waste.
On the possibility of Indian involvement in the Sri Lankan crisis in the future, Bertram Bastiampillai in his article on "The Indian Peacekeeping Force in Sri Lanka" is also skeptical. He suggests that as IPKF mission ended abortively, "security implications for India from Sri Lanka can continue to remain. Hence Indian involvement could recur and Sri Lanka has to be wary of it". During its presence in Sri Lanka, IPKF collected vital information specially on the North-East, on harbours, sea and land routes, the terrain, etc., which provides India a means of working against Sri Lanka's security interests. M.G.A. Cooray in his article on "The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord: A Critical Appraisal" argues that as none of the Tamil Groups was a signatory to it, with a non-cooperative third party, the mission was impossible. He also points out that there is a strong belief among some Sinhalese that the IPKF did not show much interest in destroying the LTTE for fear of being deprived of a powerful weapon of coercion against the Sri Lanka government.
Mahinda Werake in his paper on "Internal Stability and Peace in Sri Lanka" stresses the need for strengthening of the democratic and economic development processes with priorities attached to tbe needs of the underprivileged. Looking at Sri Lankan security as a component of the South Asian subsystem, in the paper on "Regional Stability in South Asia and External Security of Sri Lanka", he argues that India's 'self-imposed role as crisis manager' in Sri Lanka was an indication of Indian effort to establish hegemonic stability in South Asia. But he argues that while India used the Sri Lankan conflict to change the direction of Sri Lankan foreign policy, India's action failed to take New Delhi's own security interest into serious consideration. He draws this conclusion from the logic that as a result of the hegemonic behaviour of the big neighbour, the smaller states may lose their freedom, but will not accept the imposed security regime.
The late Shelton Kodikara in his paper on "South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation as an Instrument of Stability and Security: Prospects for Sri Lanka" notes that SAARC has existed long enough to give it sufficient viability. Its progress on the economic front has been slow; but it has some promising trends which are politically related and which have the capacity to transform it as a security-related organization, given the political will of its members. The paper identifies the security dilemma of the SAARC states in the fact that while smaller states of the region were viewed by India to be in its security perimeter, to the Indophobic smaller states, India remained the source of insecurity.
Typical of a collection of essays of this type, the thematic organization of the book may appear incoherent. But it is rich in terms of data and analysis. The underlying theme and approach of the book are quite in line with the on-going "conceptual rediscovery process" that stresses the need to expand the agenda of security studies through a greater recognition of a multi-disciplinary approach as distinct from the conventional way of treating it primarily as "high politics" domain. The reader is reminded of the interface of socio-cultural, ethno-religious, political and economic factors with issues of national security. The other aspect that has come into sharp focus in the book is the nexus between internal and external factors of insecurity in the context of Sri Lanka as a small state. It will be an indispensable reading for concerned students, experts and policy makers in and outside Sri Lanka.
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