The Situation Report

27th December 1998

New JOB for Daluwatte

By Iqbal Athas.

The protracted separa tist war continues to remain the most crucial issue as Sri Lanka greets 1999, the last mile post at the turn of the century.

If one is to sum of up in a few words how the current year, that will end in the next four days has been, both in the battlefront and outside, it could be encapsulated in two words - hope and expectations. Hope was that the war would end and expectation that peace would dawn. Both seemed as distant as it was when Eelam War III broke out.

On the political front, hopes were heightened by a devolution package to end the Tamil ethnic conflict. A military campaign to facilitate it was stepped up with the launch of "Operation Jaya Sikurui" (or Victory Assured).

This post independent Sri Lanka's biggest and longest military exercise was launched on May 13, 1997 and ran until December 4, 1998 this year. Its declared aim was to establish a land based Main Supply Route (MSR) along the A9, the main Kandy-Jaffna highway.

PA leaders hoped its success would not only be a mere land link, as against an air corridor dogged by lack of air transport, threats of missiles and a sea route, hazardous due to lack of Naval resources and the seasonal choppy waters.

There were hopes that the successful establishment of an MSR to the peninsula would bring in other creditable gains. An MSR to Jaffna would mean that Wanni too has been "liberated" to re-unify Jaffna with the rest of Sri Lanka. That would have been a conducive forerunner to the conduct of a referendum to implement the Devolution package and the conduct of local elections (even on a small scale) in parts of the Wanni. That "success" would have been the strong rallying point to canvass Western aid donors for a big package to develop the "liberated" Wanni and Jaffna. Little wonder the Government marshaled all its military resources from elsewhere and pooled them in the Wanni in an effort which proverbially amounted to putting all the eggs in one basket. Yet, that was required for what was perceived to be not only a military but also a political and diplomatic victory.

And that raised the hopes of the PA leaders. In turn, their confident pronouncements raised the expectations of a nation. But exactly 569 days after its launch, the fact that "Operation Jaya Sikurui" was becoming very costly, both in human and economic terms, became apparent. On December 4, the Government publicly announced the premature "completion of "Operation Jaya Sikurui" which it declared "consisted of three phases." They were the re-capture of Omanthai, Puliyankulam and Mankulam.

That declaration, of course, was an anti-climax to a high profile military offensive that made headlines both in Sri Lanka and abroad. During its record 569 days, "Operation Jaya Sikurui" took the heaviest toll in a 17 year long separatist war. It is futile, in view of the ongoing censorship, to dabble in figures of casualties. One could only say during recent Parliamentary debates, MPs declared that thousands died, thousands more were injured and several hundred were missing in action.

If the human losses and casualties were a disturbing feature, the cost factor is also equally disturbing. For the 569 days, even at a random estimate of Rs 4 million a day, the day-to-day cost (wages, fuel, transport, meals etc.) would work out to a staggering Rs 2,260 million. This is not to mention the cost of equipment lost, destroyed, ammunition and shells expended.

If that came immediately after the worst ever military debacles at Paranthan and Kilinochchi, heightening the significance was the fact that it was after President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, had taken over the reins of running the military machine against Tiger guerrillas. Whilst "calling off " Operation Jaya Sikurui", she had also given the go ahead to launch "Operation Rivi Bala" early this month. This led to troops extending their Wanni defences further eastwards by re-capturing some 134 square kilometres of land area.

Whilst troops continued their consolidation process in the area, senior military officials met President Kumaratunga last Thursday to brief her on the ground situation and their further measures to combat Tiger guerrilla activity. The meeting came on the eve of President Kumaratunga's departure to New Delhi on a three day visit.

Another important matter which drew President Kumaratunga's attention last Sunday was the question of a Joint Operations Command of Security Forces - a subject on which this column has focused considerable attention in the past weeks.

I reported in these columns last week that the move to set up a Joint Operations Command (JOC) had been dropped in view of strong objections raised by Deputy Defence Minister, General Anuruddha Ratwatte. I said this was viewed in defence circles as an acknowledgment of his objections and hence the possibility of his playing a direct role in the campaign against Tiger guerrillas.

But within hours after The Sunday Times hitting the streets last Sunday, there were developments to the contrary. President Kumaratunga had decided to set up a joint military apparatus under the title Joint Operations Bureau (JOB) and named retired Army Commander, Gen. Rohan de S. Daluwatte, as its General Officer Commanding (GOC).

Defence Secretary, Chandrananda Silva, conveyed President Kumaratunga's decision to Gen. Daluwatte, last Sunday. A letter dated 20th December, 1998, had also been delivered to him. The new Joint Operations Bureau (JOB) is to begin functioning from January 4 next year.

The news came as a surprise to Gen. Daluwatte who has been re-called from retirement to head the new JOB. Even as late as last Saturday he told his military colleagues during private conversations that he proposed to lead a retired life. This was when he was at the Army Training Centre (ATC) in Diyatalawa as chief guest at a passing out parade and a dinner that followed. Earlier, Gen. Daluwatte had returned to Army Headquarters his fleet of official vehicles except one, which he is entitled to purchase.

Early this week, before he left on a short vacation to the Maldives, Gen. Daluwatte was inundated with congratulatory calls. They came not only from military establishments countrywide but also from bureaucrats.

The news also met with favourable response from the opposition United National Party. Its head and Leader of the Opposition, Ranil Wickremesinghe, a party source said, was pleased at the move. The UNP had in fact advocated for a joint security forces mechanism to collectively plan and execute counter terrorist operations.

Contrary to claims in ill informed quarters, until his retirement on December 16, Gen. Daluwatte (then Lt. Gen.) functioned as ex-officio Chairman of a Joint Operations Command (JOC). It was limited in scope and was set up administratively from August 3, this year. In marked contrast, the JOB is to be given legal teeth. Regulations governing its establishment are to be gazetted in the coming week. This public announcement is expected to define its functions and responsibilities.

Last week's reference in these columns to the multi billion rupee military procurements deal with Bometec, the trade arm of China's People's Liberation Army (PLA), drew response from some unusual quarters. It is relevant to record that veiled attempts were made by some responsible official quarters to intimidate me and stop me from reporting on issues relating to procurements, a matter that has been expressly left out of the regulations that govern the ongoing censorship. So much so, when these regulations became effective on June 5, government officials made it known that the media was free to expose corruption involving procurements.

Suggestions were even made to me to leave out references to another multi million rupee transaction involving the purchase of helicopters, with veiled threats of serious "legal" consequences. This deal is now in the process of being carried out.

I record this since I am aware President Kumaratunga, has taken a series of strong measures to curb corruption in military procurements. Hence, these pressure moves only come as confirmation that powerful elements are still at work, sometimes through unsuspecting officials, to undermine President Kumaratunga's own efforts.

I referred last week to the purchase of 170,000 rounds of heavy explosive (Reduce Charge) 152 mm artillery shells from Bometec, as part of a US $ 64 million (Rs 4288 million) deal with Bometec. This quantity at US $ 100 a piece totaled US $ 17 million. A further quantity of 25,000 rounds of (full charge) 152 mm artillery shells was purchased at the rate of US $ 105 each and totaled $ 2.625 million US dollars (over Rs 175.8 million).

Hence, a total of 195,000 rounds of 152 mm artillery shells have been purchased at a cost of US $ 19.625 million dollars (or over Rs 1,314.8 million). As I said last week, they are for use in 152 mm Howitzer type artillery guns, acquired for the first time and number less than 40. The exact number of these artillery guns, a generation previous to the latest and advanced version now being manufactured, is being withheld.

I spoke to some senior officials in the Artillery Regiment of the Sri Lanka Army. Two of them, who did not wish to be identified, were of the view that the maximum number of shells that could be fired with each gun was 2,000 rounds. Thereafter, the barrel and recoil system of the gun (which are the main components) would have to be replaced.

In other words, the maximum artillery shells required for 40 guns on the basis explained by these two officers would be 80,000 (much less if the exact number of guns are taken into account). That would still leave behind 115,000 shells. On the other hand, if they are to be used in the immediate future, at least 57 more guns would be required. At the rate of US $ 36,000 per 152 mm artillery gun, this would total over US $ 2 million.

Besides the purchase of this single item, the entire deal with Bomtec (the trading arm of the PLA) ran into serious controversy.

I reported in these columns (Situation Report - The Sunday Times September 13, 1998) how a hurriedly negotiated multi billion rupee defence procurement deal with a Chinese supplier raised eye brows in the defence establishment and triggered off a minor diplomatic row. This came in the backdrop of a decision by the Chinese Government to ban its military from indulging in business following reports of widespread corruption.

What came as an embarrassment for the Government over this deal was the strong protest delivered by the Chinese Government's military trading arm NORINCO (China North Industries Corporation). A government to government agreement exists between NORINCO and the Sri Lanka Ministry of Defence.

Angered by Bometec deal, Gu Yongchun, Vice President of NORINCO sent a strongly worded letter to Sri Lanka's Ambassador in China, R.C.A. Vandergert (Situation Report September 13). The letter was headlined "TO SAFEGUARD THE DIGNITY OF THE GOVERNMENT- TO-GOVERNMENT AGREEMENT IS TO SAFEGUARD THE DIGNITY OF BOTH SRI LANKA AND CHINESE GOVERNMENTS."

Pointing out that purchases from outside sources Vice President Gu said it "will undoubtedly result in the violation" of the agreement " if it is" not stopped immediately."

The transaction did not come to a halt. The first consignment of the military cargo from Bometec left a Chinese port for Colombo. That was without even a Letter of Credit being opened in Colombo. The latter act was carried out much later whilst the vessel carrying the cargo awaited unloading at the Colombo port.

One would have expected the minor diplomatic row to heal and the entire Bomtec deal to become a forgotten chapter.

But, now the case of the large stock of 152 mm artillery shells, sufficient for several years, has brought the controversial deal into the open again. Some of the other deals that lack transparency have also raised serious questions.

These come at a time when there is a stalemate in the battlefront, where both sides are quite clearly making preparations for the New Year.

LTTE leader, Velupillai Prabhakaran, capped his "Maveerar" (Heroes) week broadcast with a declaration that "the LTTE is prepared for a negotiated political settlement if peace talks are mediated by a third party. "He said he prefers to hold "talks in an atmosphere of peace and normalcy, in a congenial environment free from military aggression, occupation and economic blockades imposed on Tamil homeland."

Even whilst he said that, the LTTE's clandestine radio, the Voice of Tigers (VoT) claimed the emergence of its air arm–Air Tigers during the "Maveerar" week. A VoT broadcast on November 27 claimed "Air Tigers sprinkled flowers on the LTTE's heroes" during Maveerar ceremonies.

Whilst holding out an olive branch, Velupillai Prabhakaran, was also at the same time preparing to take the war into a newer phase in the New Year. That is not only with a new air wing but also training a new and substantial number of fresh recruits, particularly from the east.

Even if Deputy Defence Minister, Gen. Anuruddha Ratwatte, claims the LTTE has not acquired any kind of aircraft, his Ministry of Defence is taking no chances.

The MOD has called for tenders for surface-to-air missiles (SAMs), air-defence guns, short-range battlefield surveillance radars, mobile air-defence radars and thermal imagers. These are distinctly to counter any aerial threats the LTTE will pose both to vital installations and VIPs. They will be in place soon.

New threat perceptions from the LTTE and counter measures by the Government widens the separatist war into an entirely new zone - from land, at sea and now on air. That is one aspect of the newer phase Sri Lankans will see as the bloody conflict portends to rise to new heights in the coming year, when one millennium gives way to another.

Taraki's Column

Editorial/Opinion Contents