Terror in innocent garb but evil at the core

Mr. President, allow me first to extend to your distinguished predecessor, His Excellency Didier Opperti, Foreign Minister of Uruguay, President of the 53rd Session of the General Assembly, our gratitude for the excellent manner in which he conducted the work of the previous Session. Allow me also to offer to the Republic of Kiribati, the Republic of Nauru and the Kingdom of Tonga the congratulations and warmest good wishes of the government and people of Sri Lanka on their election to membership of the General Assembly of the United Nations.

Mr. President, let me say that your well deserved election to the Chair of this historic final Session of the General Assembly of the United Nations for the 20th century, gives us great pleasure.

Child soldiers

I noticed with keen interest that in your opening statement to the Assembly you referred in considerable detail to the problem of child soldiers. This reference was particularly heartening to me as I had, on the basis of the Graca Machel report, first brought the issue of child soldiers to the attention of the Assembly in the course of my address in 1997. In Sri Lanka a rebel group has for several years been conscripting children, even as young as ten, for battle. Even worse, they have been making children, girls and boys, into suicide bombers, thus creating a horrible new phenomenon of depravity and cruelty that the world has never seen before. If the conscience of the world is not outraged by the tragic fate of those children in my country, then nothing will move us to action in defence of the young and the helpless anywhere.

You have referred, Mr. President, to the "boast of the soulless recruiters" that "children are numerous and readily available, more malleable, impressionable, learn quickly, are small and agile and quite simply require less food and supplies than adults." You have described their fate as "horrendous". In your view their fate "demands that the United Nations show renewed commitment and redouble its efforts as the repository of humanity's conscience and social justice in the world". You have referred to the work being done by inter-governmental and non-governmental organisations to save children. You exhort them to continue to "blame and shame governments for not doing enough to protect our children's lives and their future". But in some countries, Mr. President,governments are completely blameless.

In Sri Lanka no govern ment, either before inde pendence 50 years ago or after, has ever recruited children under 18 years of age into the armed forces. In my country it is only the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam that resorts to this abominable practice. These rebel groups are beyond the pale of the law. They acknowledge no international Conventions. They are not answerable to any international body. And yet they must be brought to book. Some of them, the LTTE included, operate with impunity in certain affluent countries, wearing the innocent garb of charitable, religious or social organisations. They collect money for ostensibly anodyne purposes.

But in fact the money goes to buy weapons for war. And, in truth, host governments which provide shelter to these organisations under the umbrella of liberal laws of asylum and immigration know, or could easily find out, that those monies are going to fuel the very war into which young children are being dragooned. These governments adopt as their explanation for inaction, the impeccable excuse that they do not have laws under which fund raising for terrorist purposes can be punished. This is true, but it will soon cease to be true when the Convention for the Suppression of the Financing of Terrorism is adopted, one hopes and prays, at this 54th Session of the General Assembly, requiring all signatory States to enact domestic legislation in keeping with the provisions of the Convention.

Since 1997 there has been considerable progress on the question of child soldiers. The issue is now on centre stage. Regional conferences have been held and a world conference is to be held next year. The office of the Special Representative of the Secretary General for Children and Armed Conflict is operational. A growing number of countries refer to this issue in the General Assembly and at other fora. Most recently the Foreign Ministers of the Nordic Countries roundly condemned the practice and pledged their support for its eradication. The Security Council has unanimously adopted its first ever resolution on the plight of children. The first decade of the next millennium has been designated the International Decade for the Culture of Peace and Non-violence for the Children of the World. And you, Mr. President, have stated that you will make it your business to add your "voice and devotion to the laudable efforts towards making the 21st century one of love and security for every child in the world." In Sri Lanka we have decided to set up a rehabilitation centre for the children who desert the rebel army.

Mr. President, my plea to the General Assembly from this podium today, two years after I first brought up the question of child soldiers, is that we must proceed with the utmost despatch to rescue these children from their fate. They are already scarred; if we do not act quickly they will be scarred beyond redemption.

Globalisation and liberalisation

Mr. President, we leave the 20th century with many spectacular achievements behind us. But let us make no mistake - we move into the 21st carrying with us old, intractable problems that have been with us since the dawn of time. As the present century draws to a close new problems of unparalleled menace and danger have emerged. They will undoubtedly occupy our attention well into the next century.

Poverty, illiteracy, ill-health, hunger, unemployment, uncontrolled urbanisation, the growth of mega cities - these are old problems which deeply affect over half of humanity.

We have not addressed these problems with sufficient vigour over the past decades. While the UN systems were set up to tackle these problems the capacity of the system to deliver results has been grossly inadequate.

The challenge of fighting human poverty must necessarily continue to have the highest priority. The poor continue to become poorer, remaining deprived of the basic necessities of life. This is morally outrageous in an era of abundance and conspicuous consumption. Poverty degrades humanity and is a threat to the most basic of all human rights. The onus is on us to unite, to wage a moral war, to eliminate the scourge of poverty from our midst. Sri Lanka is of the view that any development agenda of the future must contain a social dimension and assure protection to the most vulnerable elements of our society. It is in this regard that the international community must move beyond the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative. By revising the criteria of classification, we would expand the number of countries that could be helped towards achieving meaningful reduction in both the stock of debt and its servicing. Debt relief and Official Development Assistance (ODA), which has been dwindling in recent years, must be restored to its former levels, void of conditionality, at least for the Least Developed Countries (LDC's) of the world. A positive step would be the cancellation of the foreign debt of these countries.

Mr. President, the time has come for the countries of the South to formulate an effective and implementable economic agenda. The recommendations of the NAM Ad Hoc Panel of Economists are of primary importance in organising the substantive work of the Agenda for the South. They include - the need for the elaboration and regular updating of the developing countries' agenda; development of a networking system between countries of the South involving specialists and researchers in the various fields of importance; an Economic Co-ordination Scheme to help identify and analyse aspects of international economic and trade-related issues; and the assembling and launching of expert groups, which could mobilise those national and inter-South institutions, like the South Centre in Geneva. The South Centre could be a possible co-ordinating mechanism, which could facilitate the implementation of the South Agenda.

Mr. President, the general thrust of globalisation and liberalisation of the international economy has now become irreversible. The growing linkages between countries, the opening up of markets, the spread of investments, and the impact of technology on standardising products, the shrinking of distances, and the speed of modern communications, offer new windows of opportunity for developing countries, especially if their positive aspects are seized upon and their pitfalls avoided. The task facing us in the developing world today is one of adapting this twin process to conform to our own specific requirements and priorities. This, in our view, would be the primary objective of an economic agenda of the South in the evolving global economy of the future.

Surveying the South, it is evident that globalisation and liberalisation have, paradoxically, increased the economic gap between rich and poor countries. This is the conclusion reached in the 10th UNDP Human Development Report. Domestic liberalisation measures undertaken by many of the developing countries have also contribued towards a widening of the gap between the rich and the poor. A number of countries have recorded some acceleration of economic growth in the wake of liberalisation and deregulation. But they have also witnessed a shift in income distribution in favour of those in the upper income groups. Domestic policy reforms undertaken by a large number of developing countries in the direction of liberalisation and deregulation have not secured for them a place on the "Globalisation Express".

The globalisation and liberalisation process is unfolding in a manner which gives developing countries little voice in shaping the policy framework that underpins this procedure. Initial optimism on globalisation and liberalisation is being replaced by anxiety and concern. The emergent economies in Asia are in crisis experiencing sharp downward pressures on their currency and capital markets and experiencing stresses not only on their economic structures but also on their social fabric and political processes.

In this milieu Sri Lanka's response has been to maintain a steady level of economic growth, despite an unfavourable external economic environment. Our capital account transactions have only partially been liberalised. In our view, foreign direct investment should be of a medium or long-term nature to discourage excessive outflow of short-term capital during a financial crisis.

Mr. President, Sri Lanka as Chair of the G-24 has taken a special interest in building a consensus among developing countries on the issues of reforming the global financial architecture and also on the matter of implementation of WTO agreements. As a member of regional groupings such as the G-15, the G-77, NAM, BIMST-EC and IOR-ARC, and also as the current Chair of SAARC, Sri Lanka hopes to play a part in evolving a developing country consensus on this issue and initiating a healthy debate with developed countries with the hope of establishing a new, dynamic, mutually beneficial international financial architecture.

Mr. President, the phenomenon of nations pooling their resources and strengths either for collective security or economic development, has been a particular phenomenon of the second half of this century. South Asia has been no exception, the only difference being that the process of regional co-operation commenced relatively late, just 15 years ago, in comparison to other parts of the world.

The early phase of re gional co-operation in South Asia required the building of the necessary institutional capacities of the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation or SAARC as it is known. Once these capacities were in place, we began during the last decade, to work on the core issues of economic and commercial co-operation. We have made some progress in tariff liberalisation in South Asia under the SAARC Preferential Trading Arrangement. This progress has given us the confidence to contemplate the more ambitious task of establishing a regional free trade area. At the SAARC Summit in Colombo hosted by Sri Lanka last year, a decision was taken and thereafter implemented, to begin drafting the legal treaty for a free trade regime.

The economic focus of our regional co-operation has not made us unmindful of our other primary objective, namely of social advancement for our region. The challenges our region faces are many. They relate to education, the empowerment of women, health and population issues etc. We are trying to evolve a link between regional goals and national programmes in the social sector, through a depoliticised common vision. To this end we have, again after the Colombo Summit, commenced work on a social Charter for South Asia. Mr. President, the gains we have made in regional co-operation in South Asia are certainly not the material of which sensational headlines are made. In fact, they may even have gone unnoticed in some quarters. Yet, we in South Asia know that our achievements are incremental, durable and long lasting. Whatever may be the burdens imposed by history on our region, our common aspiration for the development and welfare of our peoples brings the governments of South Asia together in collective endeavour.

Terrorism

Mr. President, among the new problems of unparalleled menace and danger that have emerged towards the close of the present century are heightened terrorist activities in many countries and ever proliferating criminal activities in the areas of narcotics, human trafficking and arms smuggling. I have on each occasion that I have come to this podium argued that terrorism must be tackled collectively if it is to be tackled effectively at all. In earlier years this plea seemed to fall on stony ground. But a rash of terrorist bombings in the West galvanised the rich and powerful countries into action.

Today we have one UN Convention in place and two others under consideration at this Session. I am content, Mr. President, this year merely to reiterate my plea that there should be no relaxation in the fight against terrorism. I urge other countries, particularly in the West, to follow the lead of the United States of America in enacting legislation to outlaw terrorist organisations. In the unfolding debate on the stand off between State sovereignty and the rights of individual being subjected to massive human rights violations we must be careful to see that terrorist organisations do not reap the benefit of misplaced sympathy in situations of civil conflict. Those who resort to terror in pursuit of their political objectives must never be permitted or encouraged to believe that unremitting terror will ultimately bring its reward in recognition and results. On the contrary, it is only the recognition that a campaign of terror will put its exponents beyond the pale of civilised discourse that will persuade terrorists to seek other ways of gaining a hearing.

At the close of this century it is relevant to ask of ourselves this question: do moral considerations any longer inspire or motivate our actions, or have we been completely overtaken by pragmatic considerations reflected in our respective national interests subjectively defined? Mr. President, I would like, in this context, to make an observation. We have all heard the familiar jibe that a diplomat is someone who is paid to lie abroad for his country. Indeed, foreign relations and foreign policy have always had the reputation of being somewhat amoral: the object being to secure some national advantage, with the morality of the end, or of the means used to secure the end, being relatively unimportant. But the consequences of this approach for international relations have been deplorable. The Charter of the United Nations, signed on the 26th of June 1945 commences with these memorable words:"We the Peoples of the United Nations are determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war, which twice in our lifetime has brought untold sorrow to mankind, and to reaffirm faith in fundamental human rights, in the dignity and worth of the human person, in the equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small, and to establish conditions under which respect for the obligations arising from treaties and other sources of international law can be maintained, and to promote social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom....."

One has only to listen to these words to realise that the 54 years that have elapsed since their statement have brought serious disappointments. Not only has the world experienced numerous wars, but nations and peoples have experienced many kinds of immoral pressures and intimidation. Social progress and better standards of life in larger freedom have, for many nations, been an ever-receding mirage. It is clear that these noble aspirations need some backing, some stiffening, in their implementation.

Buddhism

Two thousand five hun dred years ago a great teacher was born in Asia. He was born a Prince. He renounced the world and roamed the forests in search of Truth until he received Enlightenment.

Let me recall that Buddhism was first established in the central plain of the River Ganges, just South of the Himalayas. From that beginning, at one time or another in the course of its history, the message of the Enlightened One spread to large areas of India, Pakistan and Afghanistan, to Sri Lanka, to China and Japan, to Indonesia, Korea, Laos and Vietnam, and to Myanmar and Thailand. I state this not with any sense of triumphalism, but to note that Buddhist philosophy contains much more of relevance to statesmen. In the past decade, the observance of Human Rights has been a source of great concern and debate in international fora. In this connection I would like to quote the words of a scholar who has examined the Universal Declaration of Human Rights article by article from a Buddhist perspective:

"The importance of this Declaration as a common standard of achievement for all peoples and all nations is now acknowledged everywhere. From the religious angle, it is possible to state that in this Declaration lie enshrined certain values and norms emphasised by the major religions of the world. Though not directly expressed, the basic principles of the Declaration are supported and reinforced by these religious traditions, and among them the contribution of the Buddhist tradition, to say the least, is quite outstanding."

Today the teachings of the Buddha are studied and practised worldwide, and nowhere more avidly than in the West. It is said that there are over 150 million known adherents of Buddhism in the world today. But if one takes into account the vast uncounted numbers of those who practice Buddhism that figure would be immensely higher. Mr. President, allow me, therefore, to suggest to this august Assembly that as the third millennium of human history opens it would be fitting to recall the immense contribution to the understanding of the human condition that the teachings of the Buddha made two thousand five hundred years ago. I suggest further, Mr. President, that it would be appropriate to honour the Buddha by declaring that Vesak, the sacred day for Buddhists the world over, be observed as a special day by the United Nations.

Vesak marks the three most important events in the life of the Buddha: His birth, His attainment of Enlightenment and His passing away, all occurring on the full moon day of the month of May. This was the recommendation made by an International Buddhist Conference held in Colombo last November and attended by delegates from 26 countries. Mr. President, a resolution to this effect sponsored by a number of countries will be introduced in the General Assembly, with your permission, at its current Session. The Government of Sri Lanka commends this resolution to the attention of the General Assembly.

Thank you.

REFLECTIONS

Striving for a life without craving

By: Ven. Soma

The word 'hu man being' is defined as a being possessed with humanity. The meaning of 'humane' is showing kindness and compassion towards other beings. A being who is possessed with those qualities is part of humanity.

Therefore a human being must develop compassion and loving kindness towards all beings. While refraining from killing, similarly the need to develop complementary virtues is also extolled. This is considered developing 'sucharita', good conduct. To get rid of rods, spikes and weapons used to kill, it is necessary to develop love and compassion towards all beings.

'Maithri' or 'metta' is loving kindness or universal love. When you say universal love, this does not mean towards human beings alone but towards all living creatures. Therefore one develops 'maithri', spreading it as in "sabbe saththa bhavantu sukhitaththa". This means that all beings should be healthy, both physically and mentally.

How this healthiness could be achieved is described in the Karaniya Metta Sutta. If one wishes to achieve some mental peace, or practice some activity that would bring one closer to mental peace one must have determination to move towards such a state.

One must aspire to remove all evil thoughts which come to one's mind and not allow new ones to develop. Similarly one must be able to develop good thoughts which have taken root in one's mind and create those which have not yet been born in one's mind.

What is meant by determination here is the same as the word "sakko" in Pali. It must be genuine determination. It must be the kind of determination one does not give up even at the risk of losing one's life. "Ujucha Suujucha" means upright, firmly upright.

The Buddha explained clearly the manner in which to practice 'maithri'. He said one must be "suvacho" - well disciplined. Similarly he who practices 'maithri' should not be vain. He should be endowed with gentle qualities. This is why the Buddha said "mudu anathimani".A person who practises 'maithri' should be content with what he has. Being content with what one has does not mean merely to think of what one has and be happy, but to be satisfied with what one has earned through sweat and toil. The person who looks at others' wealth and feels he too needs these things will not be able to develop 'maithri'. A person who is satisfied with what he has earned will not be envious. As this person wishes to develop goodwill towards others, he rejoices in others' well being. This quality is known as "muditha", sympathetic joy.

Furthermore one who practices 'maithri' will be endowed with the "subhara" quality - simple behaviour. He should not have rough traits. He should always be aware of his own limits when engaging in work. Else due to the conflict which arises, through the losing of mental equilibrium, he will find barriers arising when he attempts to practice 'maithri'. Some people give various justifications and take on more responsibilities than they can handle and become mentally ill. This factor of having only a few duties is "abba kichchocha sallahuka vuththi".

The Karaniya Metta Sutta gives the kinds of professions that should be followed if one is to develop 'maithri'. Here one does not follow 'michcha ajiva' but 'samma ajiva'. What is meant by 'michcha ajiva' is engaging in professions that develop in one's mind desire and anger leading to ignorance and craving. But if one engages in a profession which develops one's generosity, compassion, loving kindness and dispels misconceptions, such a profession is 'samma ajiva'.

Craving is something that is present in all of us. The development of this craving leads to mental frustration. Due to this one must engage in professions which will enable one to live justly and happily. This lifestyle which limits craving is in accordance with 'samma ajiva'.

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