Political Column

Politics, they say, makes strange bedfellows. However, in Sri Lanka, where it is an art for both the possible and the impossible, stranger are the ways such bedfellows behave. One day they are literally in love, the next day they hate each other and on the third, they are at war. Such scenarios in this murky world are all too common and comical.

The latest to fit into this script of real life political drama is the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), and its sometimes friend and other times foe, the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government. During the crucial budget debate last year, the JVP was a friend indeed. Even if the JVPers voted against during the second reading, on the final vote they threw their lot with the Government side.

Thus, the Government survived in office. The fact that a collapse would have led to a parliamentary general election is common knowledge. Also well known is the quid pro quo from the Government that warmed the hearts of the JVP leadership. The Ceasefire Agreement of February 2002 was abrogated and the Government vowed to defeat Tiger guerrillas before this year-end. Talk was rife that the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) would be proscribed and the jumbo-sized Cabinet pruned down.

In fact, the two issues were under serious consideration but Government leaders had second thoughts. Yet, the mood, both in the Government and the JVP, was upbeat. So much so, it became clear that conditions were being set to create a political climate for them to be an ally once again. Now, suddenly the JVP has become incensed over a string of recent developments. Main among them is what it calls moves to enforce the 13th Amendment to the Constitution "at the behest of India."

Granting of Police and other powers to the provinces, in terms of this Amendment, the JVP argues, would be very inimical to national interest. The party is also equally opposed to an Interim Council for the North and East. The issue figured prominently at the meeting of the Politburo last Wednesday. Speakers were livid in their comments on what they called the latest Indian role in Sri Lanka. In seeking to have the 13th Amendment to the Constitution enforced, India, they claimed was only giving effect to one of many plans to strengthen their "stranglehold" on the country.

There were many such moves including one to provide fuel to the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) from the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC). This week India and Sri Lanka agreed to build a coal-fired power plant near Nilaweli in Trincomalee. The 500 MW project will cost US$ 250 million and is a joint venture between India's National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC) and the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB). Two units are to be commissioned by April this year.

The move would naturally increase India's presence in Trincomalee, considered a strategic location. Already, the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC) has leased out the World War II vintage oil storage tanks from the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC). Growing Indian influence in Trincomalee will come as a formidable challenge to the LTTE, which wants this northeastern city with one of the deepest natural harbours in the world to be the capital of its so-called separate state of Eelam. The move will also edge out other world powers that may be eyeing the strategic port.

Another project to deliver power from South India, across the Gulf of Mannar is also on the pipeline. A high-level Indian delegation is due in Colombo next week. One speaker even saw Friday's visit by Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to New Delhi, as part of moves for closer collaboration with that country. He opined that the people should be kept informed of President Rajapaksa's plans with India.

Gotabhaya Rajapaksa, among other matters, is expected to brief Indian authorities on the Government's ongoing military campaign to destroy Tiger guerrillas. Indian support to the Government for such a campaign "against terror" is becoming increasingly manifest. As reported in these columns earlier, India's Navy and Coast Guard have placed cordons in the Palk Straits, the thin strip of Indian Ocean that divides the two countries, to curb Tiger guerrilla maritime movements. This is to prevent smuggling of military and medical supplies. India is also providing advanced training to officers of the Army's Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) in one of its facilities in Pune, in the state of Maharashtra. There are also other areas of security co-operation.

Just a day ahead of his departure to New Delhi, Defence Secretary Rajapaksa visited Visumpaya, the former Acland House, for a meeting with former National Heritage Minister Anura Bandaranaike, who is now not in good health. The latter's sickness prompted his sister, former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, to open a bus stand built by the Veyangoda Pradeshiya Sabha on Friday. It is located within the Bandaranaike stronghold of Attanagalla.

The crowd that gathered for the event did not number even fifty. If that was bad, there were also posters to embarrass Kumaratunga. One read "Vesikiliya Ko" (or where are the toilets), whilst another exhorted, sarcastically, "Methiniya Veyangoda Beraganna" (Madam Save Veyangoda), How seriously the JVP has taken the Indian issue is reflected from the decision of the Politburo last Wednesday. They will hold a series of rallies countrywide to explain to the public, the dangers of the "new Indian role in Sri Lanka."

The first such rally will take place in Anuradhapura tomorrow (February 18). The second and third rallies in this series are to be held in Galle and Kandy respectively. Like the so-called increasing new Indian role in Sri Lanka's internal affairs, of equal concern to the JVP, it transpired at the Politburo meeting on Wednesday, is the ongoing military campaign against Tiger guerrillas.

Their leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe, said the war and its resultant developments were being utilised for the political mileage of the Government and its leaders. He said there was what he called a strong need to educate the public on this aspect and other related issues.

Such related issues included the Government's obliviousness to the sacrifices made by troops in the battlefield. He said extravagant tamashas were held at state expense with scant regard for the sufferings faced not only by the troops but also by the people. He said the people were bearing up all the economic hardships so that the war effort could succeed. However, the Government was bent on making political mileage out of the war and ignoring the needs of the public and the troops.

The Politburo decided that the party should carry out a nationwide campaign to "expose the actions of the Government". Such meetings will be held from February 23 until the first week of April in every district. They are to be convened by electoral organisers. The Politburo also discussed the delay by the Government to constitute the Constitutional Court. Here again it was Amerasinghe who said the party should continue to apply pressure. Otherwise, he pointed out, delaying tactics adopted by those concerned would only lead to a fascist dictatorship.

Without doubt, the JVP's twin campaigns - one against India's "new involvement in Sri Lanka" and the other, against the Government's "mishandling the war effort" is bound to have an impact. However, the only vociferous but minority opposition in Sri Lanka, the JVP, has been adept at generating public support at the grassroots level - a phenomenon absent with the largest opposition, the United National Party (UNP). Together with their ally, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (M-faction), the National Congress has lost the momentum gathered during its formative years.

Many a national issue including the rising cost of living, the abrogation of the CFA, mounting corruption, colossal waste of public funds, serious lapses in governance are but a handful of issues on which they have failed to generate much public enthusiasm, leave alone support. Thus, neither the UNP nor the Congress is yet to come up with a concerted campaign on a national issue and build public opinion to a point where it would excite the Government. The only exceptions are meetings it has now launched to seek public representations to formulate a national policy.

For the SLFP-M, the sudden death of one of its front liners fuelled speculation this week that its leader, Mangala Samaraweera, was engaged in negotiations to re-join the Government. "It is ludicrous. I have taken a principled position and will stick by it," Samaraweera told The Sunday Times. He said the late Sooriyaratchchi was the only parliamentarian who had the courage of his conviction to stand by him.

"For this, he was forced to undergo all forms of harassment by the Government." He added that the best tribute to his late colleague was to continue with the ideals they stood for. However, the main partner in the National Congress, the United National Party (UNP) continues with its lacklustre performance. It is not because there is no public support, but the inability of the party to harness the groundswell caused by a number of factors. This is highlighted by the fact that even the JVP, the champion campaigners of the ongoing war against Tiger guerrillas, has become tired of the way it is being conducted by the Government. They have chosen it fit to take it to the public. Alas, the UNP seems to be missing the recent issues.

Two years ago, the party stalwarts engaged in a long march from the South to Colombo. As they walked, crowds thronged the streets to make the point that the party not only commanded support but followers themselves were willing to take to the roads. Nevertheless, this week, in marked contrast to this, only walls and pillars gave their frontage to a 'poster campaign'. Party stalwarts were taking part in a campaign against the Government. That it failed to generate any public enthusiasm is no secret.

Of course, it earned the envy of the regular "paappa and burus boys" (the flour paste and brush boys) who regularly daub the city walls and pillars with posters of all kinds. They found that members of their profession were in exalted company. If they had to often run away from the Police whilst performing their tasks, here was a case of the Policemen guarding those doing it. A pro-Government wag remarked somewhat sarcastically, "the Government failed to seize the opportunity. They should have given them tons of posters and kept them occupied until the end of the year. That way, they (the Government) could have also got their message across."

But, jokes apart, the question remains whether the UNP got its message across from going beyond providing photo opportunities to the media. The party stalwarts were happy though with the outcome. Their view was that the UNP was now taking a decisive stand in opposing the Government on a burning issue of the day, from which the JVP had balked. The JVP was also asking the people to stomach the CoL issue to fight the LTTE, and the issue has now fallen on the shoulders of the UNP. The dependency on the JVP to bring down the Government was also being lessened.

UNP and Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, has summoned a meeting of the party's parliamentarians for February 27 and 28. It is to consult them on the national policies the party is formulating. Over the weekend he was in Badulla attending the annual sessions of the pro-UNP plantation workers union, LJEWU (Lanka Jathika Estate Workers Union).

The party was also in the process of collecting a targeted five million signatures - the Public Petition - calling upon the Government to hold General Elections. These elections are due in any event in two years time, and there is always a possibility of a snap poll before that date. Naturally, they are adamant in getting their disjointed 'act together' as soon as possible. Until such time, the Government keeps 'boxing on', as they see here. Boxing the people in a CoL quagmire, and boxing their opponents and critics in the face. That is why, on Valentine's Day last Thursday, the media professionals at least asked the Government to show a heart to them.

JVP turns guns on India