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The Sihala Urumaya President gives his party's views on the devolution package, political monks and Anuradhapura as the new capital

S. L. sets the record straight

By Hiranthi Fernando

A. We were summoned for an inquiry by the Commissioner of Elections on June 20. He has reserved his decision. As for us, we believe that there is no reason why we should not be recognized as a political party, having regard to the strength of our membership and the immense amount of political activity in which we have engaged despite the ban on public meetings. I am proud to say that despite the ban we have had over 60 meetings so far. Apart from those meetings, we have formed about 10 branches in outstations, and also foreign branches in England, France and Oman. I do not think that any party, including the two major parties have engaged in this amount of political activity in the last two months. Further, having regard to the recognition of parties such as the Puravasi Peramuna, the Socialist Alliance of Vasudeva Nanayakkara and the Sinhala Maha Sabha, I am confident that we ought to and will gain recognition.

Q. Does the Sihala Urumaya plan to contest on a nation wide basis or district-wise basis i.e., in all the districts or some?

A. We plan to contest every district except Jaffna (which includes Kilinochchi) and Batticoloa.

Q. What role do you intend to play in the next Parliament?

A. We will vigorously pursue our policies and we will not enter into horse deals with any party purely for the purpose of getting power. In no way will we compromise our policies.

Q. We understand that Buddhist monks are wanting to get into office in the Sihala Urumaya. Will they want to be candidates as well?

A. Sihala Urumaya is a party that evolved over time as a result of the continued betrayal of the country and the Sinhalese people by the UNP and the PA and the absence of any viable party to protect the rights of the Sinhalese. This tragic situation saw many patriotic Sinhalese, the overwhelming majority of whom were not politicians, forming organizations to halt this dangerous trend and restore the lost rights of the Sinhalese. In the forefront of this struggle were Buddhist monks. Apart from the monks, there is the National Joint Committee, an umbrella organization with over 40 Sinhala organisations within its fold. Sihala Urumaya consists of both Buddhist monks and members of many of those organizations. The Buddhist monks who played a leading role in the struggle against this betrayal are necessarily an integral part of Sihala Urumaya. However, they being devout monks, have categorically stated that they are not interested in contesting elections and that they will not be candidates at any election.

Q. What are your views on the increasing role Buddhist monks want to play in local politics?

A. There is no question of an increasing role played by Buddhist monks in politics in our country. Buddhist monks have always played a part in the politics of our country, particularly from 1956. That is their inalienable right as citizens of this country. Sihala Urumaya has no intention of using either Buddhist monks, the Clergy of other religions or laymen and discarding them. In direct contrast to those parties, to Sihala Urumaya, Buddhist monks, the Clergy of other religions and laymen are human beings to be served and not chattels to be used and discarded. 

Q. There are accusations by your opponents that you are a Christian and therefore how you could lead the majority or speak for them?

A. I am not a Christian. I was born to a Christian mother and an Agnostic father. I was baptised as a Methodist, confirmed in the Methodist Church and received Holy communion. I was a practising Methodist until I reached years of discretion when I began to question rationally, the Christian dogma. I could not accept that dogma and have been an agnostic since about the age of 20. Indeed I took my oaths as an Advocate, 32 years ago as an agnostic. As regards your question as to how I could lead the Sinhala Buddhist majority or speak for them, without being a Buddhist, I must first state that I am the President but not the Leader of Sihala Urumaya. Sihala Urumaya does not have 'Fuhrer' or 'Il Duce' like the UNP or the PA. We are a democratic party with a collective leadership constituted by our Central Committee. I, as President of the Party am merely 'Primus Inter Pares' - the First Among Equals. 

Q. We understand that there is a proposal for Sihala Urumaya to have Anur-adhapura as the capital city. What is the rationale?

A. Sihala Urumaya believes that Anuradhapura should be made the capital of the country in the distant future, while preserving Colombo as the commercial capital. Sihala Urumaya does not propose that Anuradhapura should be made the governmental capital immediately. We are not so stupid as to propose a change of capital with all the work and expenditure it would entail, while our country is embroiled in a war and fighting for its very survival. We believe that such change should be effected only after the war is won and the country has the financial capacity to effect such change. Our reasons for wanting Anuradhapura to be our governmental Capital are firstly, the fact that historically, Anuradhapura is the cradle of our civilization and that it is to the Sinhalese, what Jerusalem is to the Jews. Secondly, Anuradhapura is located in the centre of our country and far closer to the present trouble spots such as Jaffna than Colombo. Thirdly, the location of the seat of government in Anuradhapura will necessarily result in the development, not only of that city, but also of the surrounding areas of the dry zone that have for so long been neglected.

Q. Does the Sihala Urumaya want to travel back in history to the days when the Sinhala race had a glorious time — or go forward in this modern world of a global village? 

A. Sihala Urumaya has no intention of travelling back in history. Travelling back in history is something that is incapable of accomplishment. It is only fundamentalists groups like the Taliban who seek to do so. We believe in moving forward while drawing inspiration from the past. However, in doing so, we will not and indeed cannot forget our past. We will always retain and preserve our culture and those core values handed down to us over the centuries by our forebears, which are an integral part of our heritage. We see no contradiction in doing so while moving into the future equipped to face the modern world.

Q. You don't want to be like the Talibans of Afghanistan but don't mind being like the BJP in India?

A. To some extent. We will not copy anybody. Our party will not be a mirror image of any other. We will have our own identity, our character and hold policy to be sacred.

Q. How far are you prepared to go on the question of devolution?

A. The answer is not one inch. We believe in decentralization and the delegation of power but not in devolution for devolution necessitates the abdication of power by the Government elected by the sovereign people. We stand categorically for the abolition of those white elephants called Provincial Councils.

Q. What are your reasons for opposing the devolution package?

A. As bad as the system of devolution of power introduced by the 13th amendment is, it has one saving grace in that while powers in respect of a variety of subjects have been devolved on Provincial Councils, Parliament yet has the power to pass any legislation in respect of any subject in the provincial list by a 2/3 majority. The devolution package of the present government seeks to destroy even that saving grace by depriving Parliament of the power to enact any legislation whatsoever in respect of the devolved subjects even by a unanimous vote of its entire membership. Regional councils would be given the power to thwart the will of Parliament and of the sovereign people. It follows therefore that if the Package is implemented, it could never ever be revoked, whatever ills its implementation may bring in its wake even if just one regional council objects. 

In terms of the package, the armed forces and/or the national police force (as opposed to the regional police forces) could be deployed within any region only if a state of Emergency has been declared and is in existence in such Region. The package proceeds to provide that a State of Emergency that has existed for 90 consecutive days within a region could be extended beyond that period only if the relevant regional council approves of such extension. Thus, if the party in power in a regional council established for the Northern and Eastern provinces promotes a rebellion to create a separate State of Tamil Eelam in such provinces, and our forces are unable to quell that rebellion in 90 days, the Government of Sri Lanka would have to seek the approval of the regional council of those provinces, which is controlled by the rebels against whom our forces are fighting, to extend the State of Emergency, so as to enable our forces to continue military operations against them.

In these circumstances, the package is an infallible prescription for the destruction of our country. 

Q. In the absence of a separatist movement, is devolution bad?

A. How do we know when the separatist virus is destroyed once and for all. Let us not forget that according to Prof. A.J. Wilson's biography, of his father-in-law, the architect of separatism, S.J.V. Chelv-anayakam, Chelvanayakam's policy was a little now more later. Apart from the question of whether devolution will lead to a separatist state, what is the need for devolution in this country? There are people who talk of the periphery of this country and the need for devolution to serve the needs of the periphery. What is this periphery? What is the part of this little country which cannot be reached in 6 - 8 hours by car in times of peace or by helicopter or airplane in an hour or less. So what is the need for having a multiplicity of legislatures and a multiplicity of executives with the colossal expenditure it entails. India has a Federated Government with a number of Federated States. The average size of those Federal States is over 100,000 sq. kilometres. We are a country of 64,000 sq. kilometres. So how on earth can we need any kind of devolution?

Q. So you don't accept that a man or woman in the provinces, in the really rural areas maybe discriminated because power is in the centre, in Colombo?

A. Discrimination does not depend on where the centre of power is located but on the character of those who wield power. A regional council established pursuant to a demand by a set of racist Tamil parties for autonomy in a part of the country which they call the exclusive homeland of the Tamils, would necessarily act in a far more discriminatory manner than the central government has at any time acted.

Q. People question why the youth of Sihala Urumaya are agitating on the streets instead of joining the Army. What have you to say about that?

A. The question whether a youth wants to join the Army or not is a question entirely for him. It is a personal decision that he must make. The onus is on the government to motivate the youth and create conditions, which would make the youth of our country want to join the Army to fight for the preservation of our State. What is the motivation the youth receive when the government says that the Army is fighting only to bring Prabhakaran to the negotiating table?

Winston Churchill motivated the British people. He did not say that they were fighting the war to bring Hitler to the negotiating table. His clarion cry was that the war was being fought to destroy Nazism and achieve victory at all costs. If the government says that the avowed purpose of fighting the war is not to bring Prabhakaran to the negotiating table but to put him into a coffin and eradicate terrorism from the face of this land, there will be motivation for the youth of this country whether of Sihala Urumaya or otherwise, to join the Army. The Government invites the youth to risk their lives and limbs to fight Prabhakaran so as to enable the Government to abdicate its lawful powers of Government in the Northern and Eastern Provinces to the LTTE or to some other Tamil chauvinists with similar policies. How does that motivate anybody?

Q. But what is Sihala Urumaya doing about the vital need to strengthen the armed forces with manpower?

A. Sihala Urumaya advocates the forces being given a clear cut objective to achieve in the war, namely to crush the LTTE and establish the writ of the Government elected by all the people throughout the entire country.

We also strongly advocate the conduct of the war being left entirely in the hands of professional military officials, without political interference and ensuring that the forces are properly equipped. We have no doubt that if the government adopts that policy the youth of the country will have no hesitation in joining the Army and swelling its ranks.

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