The
right to march
Opening
the newspapers in this country on a chance day, one can be easily
struck by a hopelessly defeatist sense of déjà vu. Quintessentially,
one is in a time warp; are we in today, one wonders, or last year
or three years back, for that matter? The reasons are obvious.

Pruning
of PC funds led to a protest by the chief ministers and others.
Here the participants are seen marching towards Temple Trees.
The protesters were baton charged by the police.
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Apart from
the peace that would hopefully pass understanding (despite those
who somewhat justifiably claim that the understanding has been obtained
shamefully), it seems scarcely harsh to conclude - seven months
after a new administration was voted into power at the December
polls last year - that little else has changed in the process of
governance in Sri Lanka. The nature of what has transpired within
the course of this week alone is sufficient to substantiate this
necessary though highly regrettable coming to judgement.
One particularly
apt illustration is the police assault of Chief Ministers and Provincial
Council members, attempting to proceed towards Temple Trees to hand
over a memorandum to the Prime Minister on the reduced allocation
of funds to the councils.
Why a baton
charge was considered necessary with regard to, what was to all
intents and purposes, a peaceful procession, is still to be clarified.
Suffice to say that if what is maintained by those who were charged
(and of whom, one was injured) is accurate, it is no wonder that
this bothersome sense of déjà vu persists.
The right to
march peacefully in order to hand over petitions and protest letters
is, without a doubt, one of the most common rights of individuals
in this country, regardless of whether it is Temple Trees that is
the target or some other lowlier abode. Marching, parading and picketing
on the streets and holding meetings in parks and other public places
have been long accepted as constitutionally protected activities.
And instances where the Inspector General of Police (that same gentleman
who sanctimoniously preferred to call a press conference in order
to castigate a senior DIG for saying on television that many police
officers had links with the underworld) and his predecessors have
been reminded of this fact, even in cases of actual marches involving
slogan shouting and the like, by none less than the Supreme Court
of this country are legion.
One remembers
a notable instance for example, three years after the People's Alliance
came to power in 1994, when the right to freedoms of speech and
assembly of members of the NSSP to march in procession on May Day
had been seriously restricted by the police, interestingly revoking
permission that had been granted earlier on the grounds of security
reasons. The contention of the then IGP, that Section 77(3) of the
Police Ordinance gives the police an unlimited power to prohibit
the taking out of processions or to impose conditions on the holding
of processions and that "there is no fundamental right to use
a public highway for a demonstration" was emphatically disagreed
with by the Court.
Here, in a
caustic reference to a 'misunderstanding' prevailing in the mind
of the police regarding their power over the conducting of marches
and processions, Justice A.R.B. Amerasinghe (who headed a Bench
comprising Justices Wijetunge and Gunewardena), emphasized the fact
that the Police Ordinance was necessarily subject to the provisions
of the Constitution. Streets, parks and public places are held in
trust for the use of the public and have been customarily used for
purposes of assembly, communicating thoughts between citizens and
discussing public questions. Such use of the streets, parks and
public places is (therefore) a part of the privileges, immunities,
rights and liberties of citizens. Whatever restrictions placed by
police officers on these rights must, however, be unrelated to the
suppression of free expression and must be no greater than is essential
to maintain public order. In other words, the Police Ordinance was
ruled by Justice Amerasinghe, somewhat picturesquely, not to empower
police officers to "roam at will" in prohibiting or restricting
public marches.
In that particular
factual context, the Court found it easy to hold that the prohibition
of the NSSP procession was for the purpose of the suppression of
the free expression by members of that party and not for security
reasons, particularly in view of the fact that processions of other
political parties had been allowed. The police was held not to have
acted evenhandedly in applying the provisions of section 77(3) of
the Police Ordinance and the Emergency Regulations under which they
exercised their powers, thereby violating the fundamental right
of the NSSP marchers to equality before the law (Article 12(1))
as well as their right not to be discriminated against on the ground
of political opinion. (Article 12(2)) together with the rights to
freedom of expression (Article 141(a)) and assembly (Article 14(1)(b)).
The NSSP case
(Palihenage Don Saranapala vs S. A. D. B. R Solanga Arachchi, SSP,
the IGP and others, 1997) illustrates well the judicial warning
that the police cannot act with impunity in their responses towards
the conducting of public marches and processions. Instead, they
must act cautiously and above all, proportionately to the right
of the marchers to exercise their expression. This is a salutary
reminder that our guardians of law and order appear to have completely
lost sight of, in the instant case of the unfortunate Provincial
Councillors, which indeed involved not only a prohibition of a procession
but an actual assault. A thorough and effective inquiry into the
incident is therefore imperative, notwithstanding the fairly astounding
claim made in Parliament by Interior Minister John Amaratunga that
nothing untoward had, in fact, happened.
Wednesday's
incident is, in fact, the latest in an increasingly evident pattern
of police assaults on processions and demonstrations where marchers,
including university students have been baton charged. This is an
alarming trend that should be swiftly checked by the Government,
for its own good.
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