Leaking
news, to feel the pulse or force the pace
NEW YORK- At the height of the Watergate scandal- which triggered
the ouster of an American president from the Oval Office in the mid-1970s-
one of the biggest unresolved mysteries was the identity of the senior
official who kept leaking stories to the Washington Post. Hinting
that an insider at the White House may have been the source, a sharp-witted
politician at that time remarked rather aptly that "the ship
of state always leaks at the top." The whistle blower- code-named
Deep Throat after a not-so-famous porno flick popular in the early
1970s- still remains unidentified although the guessing game has continued
for nearly three decades. Every US administration is known to have
mastered the well-orchestrated art of secretly planting stories in
the mainstream media to suit its own vested interests- and then crying
foul in public. Over the last few weeks, the news leaks have apparently
come from the Pentagon provoking angry protests from senior administration
officials. US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld sounded outraged last
week when he warned that leaking military secrets is wrong and against
the law.
"It costs
the lives of Americans. And it diminishes our country's chance for
success," he said in a memo to Pentagon officials. Rumsfeld
also said that releasing classified information was a violation
of federal criminal law. "And if we find out who they are,
they will be imprisoned." The New York Times, the Washington
Post and the Los Angeles Times have all run a series of news stories
detailing US military plans for an attack on Iraq. The leaks could
obviously come from those opposed to the war - or in the alternative,
even from administration officials who want either to keep the Iraqi
military on edge, or send a trial balloon to generate reaction from
European and Arab allies. Nothing has been left to imagination:
the stories have revealed the military strategy to attack Iraq from
the air, land and sea covering the north, south and western flanks;
the identity of neighbouring countries that may be used as staging
areas to launch the attacks; the estimated $80 billion cost of the
war, to be funded exclusively by the US, and its possible devastating
impact on the American economy. The Bush administration is divided
between right-wing hawks who want the country to go to war- even
if it means singlehandedly- and those who want European, UN and
Arab cooperation before launching another military adventure overseas.
A former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and an ex National Security
Adviser Brent Scowcroft- both senior members of the ruling Republican
Party- have said that even though they favour the ouster of President
Saddam Hussein, the US is proceeding in a way that alienates US
allies, creates greater instability in the Middle East, and harms
long-term American interests in the region. Scowcroft, who under
the senior President George Bush organised the US-led military coalition
against Iraq in the 1991 Gulf War, said: "An attack on Iraq
at this time would seriously jeopardise, if not destroy, the global
counter-terrorist campaign we have undertaken." France and
Germany too have come out publicly against a war on Iraq as being
inappropiately timed- particularly when the priority should be to
resolve the Israeli-Palestinian military confrontation. And more
importantly, a US military attack on Iraq without UN Security Council
authorisation would be tantamount to aggression. "To date,
no branch of the US government has officially explained a basis
on which an attack on Iraq would be lawful", John Quigley,
professor of international law at Ohio State University, said last
week. He argues that the only basis for one state to use military
force unilaterally against another is self defense against an "armed
attack". "The United States is not being attacked by Iraq.
And under the UN charter, an armed attack must be ongoing and present
speculation about a future attack is not sufficient for a state
to use armed force against another state," Quigley pointed
out. The 1991 U.S.-led Gulf War- aimed at ousting Iraq after its
invasion of Kuwait- was authorised by the 15-member Security Council.
The only negative votes came from Cuba and Yemen. Last week President
Bush said he had not reached a decision on Iraq - although he has
reiterated his call for "a regime change" in Baghdad to
oust President Saddam Hussein. But rightwi-ngers have expressed
the view that an attack on Iraq is inevitable because it is not
only in possession of weapons of mass destruction but also a threat
to the world at large. Last month President Bush said that he also
believes in "pre-emptive strikes" against countries that
either foment terorrism or continue to develop nuclear, biological
and chemical weapons. Asked if any Security Council resolutions
provide for a member state to use military means to change a regime
in another state, Secretary-General Kofi Annan said: "This
is not a UN policy, and the Security Council has not taken any decision
of the kind." Annan also told reporters last week that he does
not support any pre-emptive strikes against Iraq. "My position
has always been very clear, that I think it would be unwise to attack
Iraq, given the current circumstances of what's happening in the
Middle East".
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