The
blunder behind the Bail Act
We proudly call our selves a civilized,
democratic society. The theory of separation of powers among the judiciary,
legislature and the executive is considered one of the fundamental
principles of a democracy.
The discretion
of remanding and punishing a suspect is vested in the judiciary.
It is said that a judicial inquiry is one where the object is to
determine a jural relation between one person and another or a group
of persons or between him and the community in general. But a judge
acting without such an objective view is not acting in the best
interests of justice.
It is said
that a judge should always strive to conduct himself so that the
public will never lose their confidence in him or his actions. A
majority of the judges are so circumspect and act with so much of
caution that they even avoid indulging in ordinary pleasures.
The day this
power is taken away by Executive action or by legislation that day
would be the day of doom of democratic traditions and the judicial
system of this country.
Some time ago,
Batty Weerakoon, a human rights champion who was a junior to the
great Colvin R. de Silva introduced an amendment to the Bail Act
that would be a death knell to the democratic freedoms and human
rights that his senior stood and fought for. It was unimaginable
that the LSSP leader could introduce an amendment, which was intended
to make releasing on bail a suspect the rule, and remanding the
exception.
Mr. Weerakoon's
amendment in its original form took away the granting of bail for
more than fifty offences. The Bill did not state the forum to which
one must move for the release of suspects on bail. In plain language,
any person brought to court on a report filed by the Police was
remanded until the conclusion of the trial. That is, if the report
filed by the police on the offence came within the ambit of the
schedule to the Act.
The people
came to know about the Bill accidentally through a newspaper. The
advocates of the bill described it as a measure to curb the rising
crime rate in the country.
It was at this
time that the Colombo Magistrate's Court Lawyers' Association protested
against the Bill. It was thought that this was an excuse by a certain
group of lawyers who were only interested in their own welfare and
not that of the country. No one examined the patent, latent and
inherent dangers of the Bill.
After the amendments
to the Firearms Ordinance, any person in possession of an automatic
weapon like a pistol or a revolver, if convicted, would be sentenced
to life imprisonment. The Bail Act in its present form prevents
a magistrate from granting bail to a person suspected or concerned
in committing or having committed an offence punishable with a death
sentence. Anyone who has no practical knowledge of how the law acts
would applaud such an amendment but it is true that a major percentage
of people who are in remand under this section are persons who had
in their possession firearms.
But there are
many innocent people in remand who had been produced in court on
allegations that they had in their possession a firearm. In most
of these cases, they were remanded based only on the statement of
the complainant - no firearm was recovered from the possession of
the suspect.
Recently a
landlord got rid of his tenant by a simple method. What he did was
that he started a verbal altercation with the tenant. He went to
the Police and with the help of the Police fabricated a statement
that the tenant pointed a gun at him and tried to kill him.
The Police
arrested the tenant and produced him in court under the Penal Code
for a dispute that should have gone to the Mediation Board. But
under the amendment to the Firearms Ordinance, the offence of threatening
with a firearm. Is a non-bailable one.
The Magistrate
had before him only the statement of the complainant. But he knew
that this statement would not stand judicial scrutiny but he had
no power as his hands were tied by law. The Magistrate with great
reluctance remanded the suspect. The very next day thugs of the
landlord set fire to the house occupied by the feeble mother of
the tenant. When the suspect ultimately obtained bail from the High
court after about six months, he found that there was no house and
his mother was in the house of a relative and as his house had been
demolished. He lost his tenancy rights.
During the
Provincial Council Elections and the Parliamentary Elections, the
Police made use of the Offensive Weapons Act and the Firearms Ordinance
to keep in remand politicians opposed to the government of the day.
Some of the candidates were in remand during the election campaign
and even on the day of election. Later they were released on bail
by the Court of Appeal.
The Offensive
Weapons Act and the amendments to the Firearms Act were used to
harass and keep political opponents in remand. This was because
a Magistrate had no jurisdiction to grant bail. The High Court of
Kandy in Keheliya Rambukwella's case decided to release the suspects
on bail and interpreted that the Bail Act does not preclude the
High Court from granting bail. This decision was followed by many
Magistrates who saw that most people in remand suspected to be in
possession of offensive weapons were political opponents of the
Government and there was no material to sustain the charges and
released them on bail. Yet, these two sections were more than a
handful for the Police to keep political opponents of a regime in
remand.
Mr. Weerakoon's
amendments to the Bail Act had identified more than fifty offences
in the schedule where the Magistrate's discretion to grant bail
had been taken away. For instance, the offence of grievous hurt
is triable by a magistrate. But the same magistrate has no power
to examine the material to find out whether the charges of grievous
hurt are borne out by medical evidence. Even in a charge of non-grievous
hurt if the Police desire could be bracketed with a charge of grievous
hurt as no one can decide on the injury without having access to
the medico-legal report.
The magistrate
would merely become a post box signing the report and sealing the
fate of the suspect. The suspect has no option but to make an application
to the High Court. This process is expensive and will take at least
three weeks before a decision could be arrived at.
Instead of
the magistrate, the discretion to release or remand a person if
the Bail Act becomes law would be vested with the Police. A person
may be able to use his position and power to influence the Police
to change a report and according to his wishes remand or release
a suspect. There will be a handful of lawyers who would decide the
fate of a suspect at the Police Station on the consideration offered
and given.
An ordinary case of cheating may become cheating by impersonation.
Similarly an employer who wants to get rid of his worker will have
to get one of his employees to make a complaint of criminal breach
of trust by the worker. He will then be remanded for at least three
months. If the High Court has refused to grant bail in an offence
which comes under the proviso of the schedule of offences, the Police
will then again decide whether the suspect will be released or not
because the present Bail Bill envisages that after three months
if the proceedings are not executed the Court is compelled to release
a suspect on bail. If the Police is interested in keeping the suspect
for a further three months the Police can then file a plaint and
charge the suspect. Otherwise the Police may conveniently inform
Court that the investigations are not complete then the Magistrate
will be compelled to release the suspect on bail.
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