What does everybody want? Peace, war, human rights?
The LTTE
used to kill during the fighting. The LTTE continues to kill. But
the LTTE's peacetime killing of civilians has turned the tables
as far as some other matters are concerned. In time of hostilities,
the government attacked pacifists and peaceniks for 'defending''
or at least apologising for LTTE killings.
Now, the government
is the apologist for the LTTE killings, and the 'pacifists' and
the 'peaceniks' that were ridiculed by the government during peacetime
for their pacifist role, have suddenly turned activist.
Within this
complete turning of tables is a Sri Lankan truism. There is never
any agreement really. There is also always an apologist for the
LTTE, and it does not matter whether at a given time this apologist
is the government or the vast spectrum of civil society groups that
come under the umbrella of non-governmental organisations. There
is always somebody to take up the cause of the LTTE, and there is
always somebody prepared to keep the divide within the Southern
Sri Lankan polity on the burner -- to keep it alive.
The LTTE's
peacetime killings of members of Tamil political parties and of
Sri Lankan army Long Range Reconnaissance Patrols (LRRP) operatives,
has not helped the LTTE's peacetime bona fides. It is almost as
if the civil society groups are saying that it is allright for the
LTTE to kill when there are open hostilities (war) whereas it is
abhorrent for the LTTE to kill during a ceasefire. The government's
position is almost the exact reverse of the coin.
The government
sees wartime killings as 'terrorist' but sees peacetime killings
as inevitable and therefore tolerable behaviour by an essentially
militarist organisation. (Therefore the often articulated expressions
of empathy with the LTTE by Ministers of government, such as 'people
cannot expect an organisation that is essentially a military outfit
such as the LTTE to transform itself in an instant into a political
outfit. The leadership also may not have full control over some
of its cadres.'')
The leadership
of the LTTE may probably be perplexed by the mood swings of the
Colombo decision-making elite. There might be a time, the LTTE might
think, that there is some kind of comity between the principal actors
in the South. But, it never materialises. Just when they seem to
be given a break by their enemy, they find that others such as NGOs
who seemed to be tolerant previously are now doing the dirty on
them -- or at least making life difficult.
Today, the
non-governmental organisations are almost emphatic that the LTTE
should stop killings if there is to be an Interim Administration
with LTTE participation. This was evident at a seminar I attended
over the weekend titled "The Home and the World, changing Ethnic
Identities in Sri Lanka.''
Many speakers
expressed dissatisfaction that this 'armistice between the two armed
groups''' is leading to a lopsided solution in which these two actors
will conspire to some kind of arrangement that leaves other stakeholders
totally marginalised. It left me wondering what "others'' meant?
Are the "others' non-governmental organisations, such as those
that are represented by these people who were holding these views?
Were they feeling marginalised; are they losing the currency that
they used to enjoy when the war was in total motion, and when there
was no threat of a "peace dividend'' of 'marginalisation''
of NGO actors due to the diminished need for their services?
No I am not
holding a brief for an Interim administration that does not have
human rights of ordinary people on the agenda. There is no apology
here for that kind of thing. But what is curious is this sudden
turning of tables.
One thing that
is clear is that there is no cry for preservation of human rights
at a given time that is independent of a particular agenda of any
of the actors. The government has not even paid lip service towards
ensuring the human rights of those groups falling foul of the LTTE.
But civil society
voices are keen on preservation of human rights, but their implicit
position seems to be that human rights are a factor as long as there
are no open hostilities, whereas a war is open season for all. The
NGO community and the rights groups may dispute this, but this is
the reality because there wasn't a single rights group or a non
governmental functionary that raised the human rights cry with regard
to LTTE actions during the fighting with even half the strength
with which they are doing so now (save perhaps for the UTHR.)
The cynical
or the incurably cynical will say that the rude reality is that
the government does not want to go back to war under any circumstances,
while the NGOs are risking a relapse into war by their insistence
on a human rights regime for the militarist LTTE. The non-governmental
organisations will accept this interpretation of facts over their
dead bodies. But, a cynical view may sometimes see through their
cover?
Of course the
NGO's do not want to go to war, but it is as if the NGOs are retracting
their stated positions at the last moment. Wasn't it the NGOs and
the civil society groups that wanted an end to hostilities in exchange
for a gradual incremental rapprochement between the government and
the LTTE?
But the NGOs
now seem to take up the position that the process is never going
to be incremental. The NGOs or NGO champions are heard to say these
days that the LTTE should stop all killings this instant, or else
even an Interim administration will be illegitimate and unacceptable.
This leaves
me blown for one. The government's cringing culture of apology for
LTTE excesses during the ceasefire is galling, and this is expediency
and spinelessness at its most glaring. But then -- the about turn
of the NGO's does not seem to be in direct proportion to that. I
mean -- it can't be that the NGO's are taking the hardliner attitude
towards LTTE human rights violations, just because the government
is being spineless on the same issue?
Civil society
may always be an errant government's bugbear, but yet to say that
the NGOs are reacting to the government's attitude will be to take
rationalisation too far. Then how does one begin to explain that
the NGOs have suddenly become very insistent on a strict human rights
regime for the LTTE; a position quite inconsistent with their stated
views before the ceasefire?
It is easy
to say there is more to all this than meets the eye. One might even
say that an NGO cannot be pragmatic or problem oriented like a government
- an NGO had to be idealistic? So the NGO's idealism is "during
a war to call for peace and during peace call for human rights?''
(…which may lead to war again, because the LTTE might not
like the idea.) The government's pragmatism is "during a war
violate human rights and rant against the LTTE for violating human
rights, because that helps the war effort, but during peace ignore
all human rights violations by the LTTE because that helps the peace
effort?''
And governments
in this country don't strike a mean between pragmatism and doing
the right thing. NGOs in this country don't seem to strike a mean
between doing the right thing, and ensuring that there is peace
and a peace effort intact despite all the difficulties. Either that
or the government wants desperately to retain the peace at all costs,
while the NGOs desperately want to go back to war. I think a total
cynic will buy the latter argument -- are you sure that you are
not one? |