Political Column  

Quarrelling and carrying-on, while waiting for the LTTE
By Our Political Editor
What does the LTTE want? This consideration colours the political landscape, while both government and Opposition awaits the LTTE's so called counter proposals to the government's Interim Administration document which has been widely discussed by LTTE legal experts in Paris. An opposition front-liner says that it is almost certain that "we are going to be opposed to whatever the LTTE decides -- because we are opposed to an Interim administration without any agreement on the core issues.'' "Yet,'' he says, ''we will wait and see.''

But much goes on until the waiting game is played out. The PA-JVP talks have officially broken down and the same PA frontliner says that it was mutual suspicion that led to the breakdown of the talks. But meanwhile, the President is said to have told a group of guests from her party that her father and mother will both "lambaste her from the grave'', if she gave all the concessions that the JVP wanted which included key Minister-ships amounting to four of the fronline Ministries in any future Cabinet, and the Chairmanship of the Alliance.

The ground war on the issue of the LTTE camps between the Lakshman Kadrigamar led PA group and the G. L. Peiris led government peace front goes on unabated. Says Prof Peiris that "if the opposition had any real facts about the issue of the camps it should have convened a general press conference and told the press exactly what these camps are and exposed the entire issue -- instead of which a few select journalists were invited to a private residence for a briefing''

It's a cloak and dagger spoiler scenario, says the Minister. But the PA frontliner quoted above says that all major newspaper organisations were invited except one publishing organisation which produces what "we have for long not considered a newspaper.'' Kadirigarmar's main intention is to drive home the point that troop morale is low, because the LTTE is flexing its muscles and the government has on the other hand categorically asked troops to maintain maximum restraint.

Disputed camp
The government's position articulated by Cabinet spokesman G.L. Peiris is that the only disputed camp was in Manirasakulam -- and that the other 12 were either set up before the ceasefire or out of government controlled areas. But, while Kadirgamar was firing from all cylinders and the government was firing back with the retort that it was a case of plain panic - mongering the LTTE seemed to have taken the initiative to say that there is no Southern consensus.

In its official publication, the man who now seems to be in charge of articulating the LTTE's official position has said that Southern consensus is not forthcoming, and words to the effect that the South seems incapable of coming up with a political consensus on a resolution to the conflict.

He had cited political scientist Jayadeva Uyangoda to substantiate his claim, pointing to a recent article by Uyangoda which argued that a political consensus due to various reasons is elusive in this part of the country. Basically, there was a three pointed development in the political/party scenario in the South this week, and it can be briefly put down as follows:

Trigger-happy
a) The Tamil United Liberation Front (which was always marginalized and made a fool of by Prabhakaran's brash audacious and trigger-happy LTTE -- see separate BOX story adjacent…) was as usually hapless, not knowing what to do in the face of the Anandasangaree issue. Anandasangaree the party leader after Sivasithamparam, went to town in a manner of speaking, saying that the LTTE is not the sole representative of the Tamil people.

But, now with one faction of the party wanting Anandasangaree out, but not quite knowing how to get about it, the party is in disarray - - and there are disagreements on how to get Anandasangaree out and also as to who will replace him. Joseph Pararajasingham, the Batticaloa long-timer wants to fill the vacancy and he visited the LTTE office in Batticaloa recently for what was seen as a photo opportunity and an ingratiating exercise with the LTTE.

But the TULF leader has always been a Northerner, and an Easterner has only been a second in command. So there is still friction on the issue. Mavai Senathirajah is not favoured by the LTTE which was not happy that he supported the recent Nambiar report. Meanwhile the Amirthalingam commemoration event was boycotted by the TULF for the most part but was attended by some of its parliamentarians, and it opened up still further trouble for the TULF with the LTTE because Amirthalingam's late wife for the first time said in public that her husband was assassinated by the LTTE.

This has not gone down well with the LTTE, but yet, the TULF wants to maintain with the UNF government the position that it is the only conduit for the government to the LTTE. But that's not quite the position and yet the TULF wants to be in that position (of being the conduit) but does not quite know how to decide the Anandasangaree question which puts it in a state of undecided-ness and general chaos.

b) The government is meeting the Opposition's alarm call over Trincomalee by saying that the peace dividend is massive - - and this week the government further developed on this line of attack. The Prime Minister addressed a group of backbenchers who met at the Culture Club at Kandalama, and Minister Peiris for instance explained the peace message and how to take it to the grassroots. He also hammered-on, as the PM did on the peace dividend message. But the party continued to disgrace the Prime Minister, with two Southern hot-heads headed by the bull in the Chinashop Mahinda Wijesekera said to have been behind a cowardly attack on protesting unemployed undergraduates.

There were three meetings in the NCP, meanwhile with the PM's and Peiris's participation at which the UNP Chairman and Secretary were also present. Lawyers, students and political activists were all addressed particularly on the peace dividend message.

Special drive
The peace dividend message was being taken to places as far afield as Bibile and Deniyaya - and Medawachchiya, Mihintale and Kabithigollewa with Prof Periis himself on board. There was a special drive in Matara to empower women by developing cottage industries etc., on the rationale that the woman voter will convince the general community that prosperity can be secured only if there is peace.

c) As said earlier the JVP-PA talks broke down. But there are two distinct positions on this matter. One is that call it "mutual suspicion'' or whatever, the talks broke down because there was no essential accommodation between the two parties, and there was disagreement on how the pie (Ministries etc.,) was going to be sliced.

But, on the other hand, the two sides have agreed to disagree. They are not going for each other’s throats, and the JVP says it will stand by and support any move to topple the UNF government -- predictably of course.

But also, the JVP has expressed willingness to talk to the LTTE which is significant - - according to PA insiders. But they have rejected devolution, saying any talks should be within the parameters of the unitary state. Though Anura Bandaranaike has been the most enthusiastic PA supporter of alliance with the JVP, he has essentially been checked by a President who has while keeping doors open to the JVP, got around, deftly, her troops to the position that a JVP on the outside is better than a JVP "on the inside pissing out'' ie: a JVP that's within an alliance and creating problems for the SLFP frontline. In a way there is no deep political analysis to it -- the PA wants the UNP out, but not badly enough to replace it with a weak JVP dominated government.

Prabha's profile in review: never chickened out?
Last week these columns carried a sneak-preview of "Inside an Elusive Mind: Prabhakaran'' by M. R. Narayan Swamy. This week the book is out in Sir Lanka (Vijitha Yapa publications.) The following comment is more by way of review:
Undoubtedly, it is a hugely interesting book which the author says has been the result of over one hundred interviews in India, Sri Lanka, Europe and North America over the years. It traces the development of the Tiger leader from a shy boy with bizarre proclivities (pricking insects to death with needles, inserting pins under his nails, wrapping himself in bags used for carrying red chillie) to a cocky leader of a ruthless organisation that took the fight to the fourth largest army in the world.

Whether the author likes it or not, the book appears to romanticise Prabhakaran, even though words like "megalomania'' are used to describe his state of mind. (At one point he writes 'Prabhakaran's father wanted him to stick to a humdrum career -- but he chose to be a killer - albeit with a cause.'') But it's a good collection of facts, well put together, and has enough almost titillating material about Prabhakaran's days on the run in Tamil Nadu etc., that would satisfy the appetite of anybody who wants to know about the LTTE's rather nebulous past.

There is for instance the story of the gunfight between Prabhakaran and Uma Maheshwarn on Pondy bazaar in Madras. The author writes Prabhakaran was quicker on the draw than Maheshwaran, which was what saved his life -- and did not save Sri Lanka of trouble and upheaval for years to come.

Prabhakaran was however cornered by the Madras police after this shootout, and the Daily News in Colombo exulted that the "prize catch has finally been caught.'' But with a bizarre mix of luck, political backing and unexpected intervention from Indira Gandhi who opened a channel to Prabhakaran through the RAW, he escaped deportation.

In some ways, it comes across as a testimony to the fact that a ruthless organisation like the LTTE has certain advantages over a government that needs to think of various bearings and ramifications before setting upon any course of action.

For instance when Prabhakaran wanted his negotiators out of Colombo after what he thought were fruitless session of talks with the President, his men sent him back a terse message that "it is not so easy to get out of Colombo in a hurry.'' But Prabhakaran told the men around him that he will show them how to get them back. He ordered the killing of TULF's Amirthalingam in Colombo. Premadasa was so embarrassed that he summoned the LTTE delegation, told them that "Amirthalingam has been killed - you better get back to your headquarters.'' He provided a helicopter, and soon the LTTE delegation was grovelling at Prabhakaran's feet in Jaffna.

The book confirms the widely held view - - which is that he kept a leg up over his competition because he was a killer, nay a torturer, when others had compunctions about murdering despite what the cause was thought to be. But he is also portrayed as a man who revelled in the simple delights of life. Smiling from ear to ear, he loved his chicken curry, and played carrom, and let off errant cadres if pleas were made from the right quarters.

Whatever it may be, the book leaves no doubt about the fact that the LTTE is Prabhakaran, and that the Tamil liberation struggle is his one man show. It also gives no indication that this script is changing, or is bound to change in the near future.


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