At least 200,000 Lankans live in Europe
,At least 200,000 Sri Lankans live in Europe as official or unofficial
residents with Britain having the largest number at about 65,000
and Denmark having the smallest at 6,800, according to a recent
research study.
The study on
migration trends and the presence of Sri Lankans in the European
Union by Dr Emiel Vervliet, a Belgium economic and social researcher,
says that most refugees and asylum seekers now come from Asia compared
to 1993 when the bulk came from the former Yugoslavia and Turkey.
The study done
in association with Sri Lanka's Migrant Services Centre said the
largest groups of Sri Lankan nationals or people of Lankan origin
live in four countries. In the UK, there are 50,000 according to
OECD data and 65,000 according to other sources), Italy has 23,500
in 1997 and approximately 33,700 in 2002, Germany about 60,000 in
2000 and France about 11,000 in 1996.
"Small
countries like Denmark, Norway and the Netherlands report rising
numbers of Lankan people in their stock of foreign born population:
6.800 in Denmark, 7.500 in Norway and the Netherlands, 7.000 at
the end of 2000. Between 1991 and 2000, Denmark granted citizenship
to 4,877 persons with Lankan nationality. Switzerland ( a non-EU
country) receives years between 1.000 and 2.000 applications for
asylum from Sri Lankan nationals, the Netherlands between 1.000
and 1.500," the report, which deals extensively with migration
trends of Sri Lankans and others, said.
Excerpts
of the report:
Overview
Several countries have recently modified their legislation and implemented
new provisions governing the entry, residence and employment of
foreigners. Some of these reforms have led to an improvement in
the status of foreigners already settled in the host country.
But most reforms
have aimed essentially at tightening border controls, simplifying
and speeding up the procedure for examining asylum, applications
and amending conditions for entry, residence, employment and family
reunion. These restrictive policies were certainly influenced by
the September 11 terrorist attacks in the USA. But in the long run
non-economic migration flows (students, family reunion) are more
likely to be affected directly.
Several countries
(including Austria, Belgium, France, Ireland, Sweden and the United
Kingdom) have taken measures aimed at dissuading false asylum seekers.
The policy measures include acceleration of the application review
process, a more even distribution of asylum seekers in accommodation
centres across the country, shortening of the appeal procedures
and substitution of financial support (cash payments) by free housing
and food during the review process.
New legislation
includes higher prison terms of people smugglers, higher penalties
for employers using irregular labour (Spain, Finland and Portugal)
and even deportation of foreigners in illegal situations.
The most common
criterion for eligibility is the right acquired through employment.
But this may lead to a perverse effect in so far as it could encourage
illegal employment in the hope of an amnesty. Italy has conducted
four regularisation programmes in 15 years and has experienced extensive
fraud in its occupation-based amnesties, with applicants submitting
false job contracts.
The decision
to establish a regularisation programme is complex, having significant
pros and cons. Such programmes bring people out of the shadow and
provide them with the status and the rights necessary to became
more successful members of society.
From a public
security perspective, regularisation can also be seen as a wise
course of action. It provides important information to governments
on the number of persons in irregular situations, their network
and settlement patterns.
There are,
however, also potentially negative consequences. The most frequently
cited is that regularisation programmes often encourage future illegal
immigration, sometimes even in greater numbers than those occurring
before the regularisation started. A second argument against regularisation
is that such programmes reward law-breaking. For countries having
legal immigration systems, whether of a temporary or a permanent
nature, regularisation programmes result in queue-breaking, with
irregular migrants entering before those who have been waiting their
turn.
Another possible
drawback is that regularisation programmes may prevent countries
from creating formal admission systems, particularly those directed
towards low skilled workers. Largely due to these negative consequences
several countries (Denmark and Switzerland) have had either extremely
limited regularisation programmes or none at all.
Integration
In 2000, foreigners accounted for 6.2% of the labour force
and 5.6% of the employed labour force. The unemployment rate is
much higher than for the labour force as a whole. An analysis of
the share of foreign wage-earning workers shows that they are over-represented
in the construction sector, where 16% of the workers are foreigners
and also in real estate activities and personal services (12,5 and
12% foreigners, respectively).
A large proportion
of foreign wage earners also work in agriculture, forestry and fisheries.
On the other hand, foreigners are distinctly under-represented in
the energy sector, in financial services and government.
Refugees/asylum
seekers
The numbers have decreased almost continuously since restrictive
measures were introduced in 1993. The share of Europeans, mainly
from the former Yugoslavia and Turkey, has shrunk considerably.
They accounted for 72% of all asylum seekers in 1993 but only 35%
of the total in 2000. Most applicants now come from Asia.
Employment
migration
A new law in effect since January 1, 2003, has removed the distinction
between residence and work permit. One single document has replaced
the two permits, indicating whether or not the foreigner is allowed
to work. The number of permits will be brought down to two; a temporary
residence permit and a permanent residence permit. These documents
will contain a description of the immigration motives of the foreigner,
whether study or work, family reunion or asylum.
Conversion
from a temporary to a permanent residence permit is possible at
the earliest after five years of residence. However, conversion
is subject to conditions. For instance, employees must have made
60 monthly contributions to the obligatory pension fund and should
speak German.
To promote the
integration of foreigners, support in the form of language and integration-training
courses will be made available to all foreigners who reside legally
in the country.
Permits
for labour immigration are given in four categories:
1. A permanent residence permit for highly qualified people, for
instance computer scientists; before applying, they should have
a job offer by a German employer;
2. A permanent
residence permit through a points-based system: if (economically)
needed, the government will grant a number of permits to applicants
who successfully pass a point-test. Criterion will be: age, level
of formal education, professional experience, knowledge of German,
educational level of the partner, composition of the family and
previous stay in Germany. Applicants do not need to have a job offer
to be eligible for the permit.
This will serve
as an additional tool for immigration control and is expected to
be open to only a very limited number of immigrants during a testing
phase in the next few years.
3. Temporary
permits granting access to the labour market: as in the past; an
employer has to request a permit which can only be granted under
the condition that the appropriate labour supply is not available
from within Europe. It is worth mentioning that if regional labour
market circumstances require it, workers for a certain occupation
and within a certain regain can be recruited without testing for
the availability of labour in the domestic market. Only those employed
in jobs that require at least three years of vocational training
are eligible.
4. Self-employed
can be admitted if this appears to be in the (regional) economic
interest. The law gives a flexible interpretation. In general, economic
interests are met if the self-employed invest at least one million
Euros and create at least 10 jobs.
People who
have migrated for other reasons than work can seek employment under
specific conditions:
1. Students
can obtain a permit for one year upon completion of their course.
They are not allowed to work during their studies;
2. Accompanying
family has the same rights as the main applicant, even if they would
not be eligible as an individual.
3. Refugees
are allowed to work; their initial temporary permit can be made
permanent after at least three years of residence. Asylum seekers
are allowed to work once they have been in the country for at least
one year.
Inward
flows
In 2000, 271,517 residence permits were granted, up marginally
by 1.3% from 1999. The broad migration trends of the 1990s continued.
Most legal migrants are from Eastern Europe, North Africa, Latin
America, East Asia and South Asia. In 2000, the largest number of
permits was allocated to Albanians and Moroccans. Nationalities
gaining in importance were Bangladesh (6,600 in 2000), Pakistan
(6,600 in 2000), the Ukraine (4,100) and Sri Lanka (6,017 permits,
up 64.5% from 1999).
Recently clandestine
immigration has increased along the Italian coastline. Illegal migrants
arriving by sea usually request asylum. The Italian authorities
process their applications and they then move northwards into the
richer parts of Italy.
Refugees
and asylum seekers -
Until the late 1990s, Italy was not a primary destination for asylum
seekers. However in 1999, 34.000 persons sought asylum in Italy
and again 24,500 in 2000, approximately the same influx as much
smaller Belgium. Most asylum applications are rejected but an important
part of these people receive a permit given for humanitarian reasons.
Applicants include Turkish and Iraqi Kurds, and people from Afghanistan,
Iran, Nigeria and Sri Lanka.
Family reunification -
Family permits accounted for 354,850 of the foreigners
in Italy at the end of 2000 (out of a total of 1.4 million) of which
91.2% were non-EU citizens. An increasing part of the inflow of
foreigners is through family reunification, with more than 56,000
new permits in 2000.
The principal
nationality represented in family reunification permits was Albanians,
whose number surpassed that of Moroccans. Other major groups included
those from China, Sri Lanka, Romania, the Philippines and Macedonia.
Most applications come from foreigners who reside in the north of
Italy.
Naturalisation
in Italy is practically negligible. Requirements are stringent (10
years of residence and adequate income) and rejection rates reach
66%. Of the new citizens in 2000 (11,570), 84% were naturalised
following a marriage to an Italian. The number of recorded births
to foreigners recorded in Italy is more significant and reached
26,000 in 2000, a 22% increase over the previous years and 4.8%
of all Italian births.
Migration for employment and work permits -
The 1998 immigration law created a quota system for
the admission of foreign workers; permits for family reunification,
study, religion, etc. were exempted from the quota. The quotas increased
at the end of the 1990s and are divided on nationality (privileging
countries which have signed bilateral agreements on readmission
of expelled nationals), by category (independents or contract of
work), by length (seasonal, short-term and long-term contracts)
and occasionally by sector (nurses). Bureaucratic delays and a complicated
authorisation procedure have brought about criticism of the quota
policy.
Labour
market integration -
The unemployment rate of the foreign population has remained more
than 50% higher than the average Italian rate; both rates move in
tandem. Nearly 45% of unemployed foreigners were unemployed for
more than a year and the vast majority had no qualification.
Trends in migration
flows - The data shows the UK continues to attract immigrants at
high levels. Evidence points to a continuation of economic migration
into the United Kingdom, as mostly young migrants are attracted
to the strong economic growth and the flexibility of the UK labour
market.
Naturalisations
The number of applications for British citizenship overall
has been rising since 1989. The most frequent bases continue to
be residency duration and marriage. Citizens from the Indian sub-continent
comprised 27% of all accepted grants.
Migration for
employment-and work permits- the number of foreign nationals working
in the UK fluctuated between 850,000 and 900,000 in the 1990-1997
period but has risen strongly since 1998. Nearly 40% of foreign
workers are from other EU countries. The data suggests that only
one quarter of long-term work permit holders have applied for and
been accepted for settlement. Thus, for the most part, the work
permit system is characterised by a turnover of labour.
Professional
and managerial workers continue to account for the majority of employed
migrants. The net gain of these workers in 1999 was 33,500, and
35.000 in 2000. In contrast, the net gain of manual and clerical
workers fell sharply to 7,900 in 1999 and 5,000 in 2000.
An analysis
of the industries to which the 64,600 work permits (including first
authorisations) were granted in 2000 reveals that two sectors dominated:
health and medical services and computer services. Administrative,
business and management services, and financial services were the
other major industries. Health care professionals accounted for
40% of all permits to South Africans and nearly all of those to
Filipinos. Nearly half of all permits to Indians were for computer
analysts and programmers. US citizens still top the list of recipients
with 20% work permits. The second and third groups are respectively
India and the Philippines.
Lankans
in UK
In the census of 1961, 66 percent of those who had been born in
Ceylon were actually citizens of the UK or its colonies. Only 28
percent held New Commonwealth citizenship, presumably dominantly
of Ceylon. This suggests that the majority of the Ceylon-born living
in this period in the UK were not ethnically of Sinhalese or Tamil
origins but probably mainly 'Burghers'. In the early 1960s a considerable
amount of the Sri Lankan migration to the UK involved a relatively
well-educated population seeking professional jobs as a route out
of a stagnant economy and rapid population growth in their country
of birth.
In 1971 the
situation changed drastically - 64 percent of those born in Sri
Lanka and living in the UK were the offspring of parents who had
both been born in the New Commonwealth, dominantly Sri Lanka. The
census identified 17,045 individuals born in Sri Lanka;
Between 1971
and 1981 the Sri Lankan population increased annually by 4.3 % and
by 4.1 % between 1981 and 1991, bringing the total number at 39,387
in 1991. In contrast to the early 1960s and 1970s, by the early
1990s the biggest single component of Sri Lankan migration to the
UK concerned refugees fleeting the war in the North East of the
country.
An estimate
of the total population of Sri Lankan origin by the end of the 1990s
suggests around 65,000 residents, including British-born offspring.
Trends
About 65 % of the Sri Lankans live in Greater London and
over 82 percent in the South East of England. In London they constitute
0.4 % of the total resident population in 1991, but with marked
clustering in certain districts.
They were generally
underrepresented in inner London and were virtually absent from
districts with strong concentrations of other ethnic minority or
immigrant populations, such as the Black Carribeans concentration
in Brixton in inner South London or the Bangladesh district immediately
to the east of the City.
Economic
characteristics of the Sri Lankan population:
Low dependency rate (relatively few children and elderly as a proportion
of the population of working age); high activity rate for woman;
unemployment rate between 10 and 15 percent, lower for woman than
for man.
For Indians
the employment rate is between 12 and 14 percent, for Bangladesh
and Pakistan between 27 and 32 percent; the Sri Lankan group is
particularly strongly represented in the distributive trades, in
health and education and in the business services. This distribution
mirrors that of other relatively skilled migration from countries
such Malaysia and Singapore.
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