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is good theatre, but the anxiety mounts On the plus side, it is being fought against a backdrop in which there is significantly less violence than previous elections in the remembered past. On the minus side, the Elections Commissioner has been unable to control a runaway state media, and there is ambiguity over whether elections can be held in certain disputed territories. But certainly, the election is not short of theatre. The UPFA controversy regarding two differing election manifestos for instance has elements of high farce written into it. Now, senior UNF heavyweights are calling the second manifesto (who wouldn't be aware of the elements of this controversy by now) a 'working document'' or words to that effect. Well, at least we are aware that there are two documents then. But to have it from the same heavyweights, this is "only a minor matter that the UNF is making into a storm in a teacup.'' But the UNF made it an official campaign initiative to show up the flap about two documents as a definite indication that the Alliance is a mishmash of power-hungry political forces, united only by their desire for victory. The normally non-confrontational Ranil Wikremesinghe himself drove the point home, saying that the two documents amount to an effort to mislead the public. But at the time of writing, some sections of the party officially maintain that it is the first document that is the official manifesto. Now, it is clear that the second is there, and that it was sanctioned by the President who said that any grammatical errors may be changed, and that her own likeness in the cover should be blown up to give the document some heft. But, in the end certain other key changes crept into the second document. Chief among this is the alteration to read that talks with the LTTE will be unconditional. Top UPFA movers and shakers were parsing their words on this issue, explaining that the agreement to talk will be unconditional but "there will be conditions as the talks progress.'' So the bottom line is that the UPFA is willing to get to the table and talk to the LTTE without any conditions. That out of the way, all the 1st manifesto said according to these top rankers is that certain conditions will come up during the course of talks! While raising our hat to these UPFA top rankers for their ability to parse words, it can now be safely said that the UPFA is willing to talk to the LTTE unconditionally. This is notwithstanding anything that the JVP might say, even though most JVPers are still pledging that their only responsibility is to the first manifesto. But ground realities are changing as well, to the point where, interestingly, all this may be irrelevant sometime soon. Karuna, who was rumoured to have been assassinated last week (the reports of this killing turned out to be greatly exaggerated), was asking Joseph Prararajasngham the TNA's chief contender in the Eastern province to withdraw his candidature. Pararajasinham however has stopped campaigning, saying that he cannot withdraw at this stage of the proceedings. Under these circumstances, the Wanni leadership is keen now more than ever to poll in the areas controlled by them. V. Sambandan the Senior TNA nominee last week met diplomats from at least six Western powers to drum up some sort of support to coerce Sri Lankan officials to hold elections in Tiger-held territory. But there is still ambiguity on this matter, and in all likelihood there will be no polling in these areas as already announced by the Commissioner of Elections. Whether the Western powers will be able to have any say in the matter depends on how things pan out this week, but it is unlikely that at this stage there can be any constructive intervention on this matter. Already, the Western powers, broadly speaking America and some of its allies, are too embroiled in election controversies for their own good. The Americans for instance officially deplored last week the fact that that a Centre for Policy Alternatives survey conducted with support from a US funding organisation, has been distorted in the Daily News to say that the UPFA is winning. Though the Western powers are looming over these polls in a manner that is not so pushy, it is clear that certain interested Western powers are moving to salvage their own interests from this contest to be held on April 2nd. Erick Solheim, the Norwegian peacemaker at large who needs no special introduction here, was last week barnstorming the South, meeting Southern hotheads including Buddhist monks to feel the pulse of the electorate before the polls, and also to subtly if possible convey his own message about the peace talks and Norway's future role. He was in for some tough questioning though, and when issues such as the Norwegian support involving the transport of equipment to the Wanni for a high frequency radio station were aired, Solheim was, well, conspicuous in his discomfiture. On the larger picture therefore, there is a bigger battle here which is more on the long term, and is different from the immediate question of who wins or loses this election. It is basically a tug o' war about who will call the shots in the Sri Lankan polity in the near future -- the Western backed forces with allegiance to the World Bank etc., or the other contending forces, with regional forces and fiercely nationalist local forces emphasised. To this end the long term plan is important. The UPFA's plan for a Constituent Assembly to abolish the Executive Presidency, for instance is well on course even though there is virtually an assurance that there will be no two thirds majority for such a move. The UPFA wagers that there might however be half a chance as in the case of the 17th Amendment, to gather a two thirds majority in the event the UPFA does form a government and goes ahead with the move. But, this seems to be a case of being too wishful. On the other hand, say the UPFA's top brains, there is such a thing called the "grundnorm'' which means that the people's voice is a device that is paramount in considerations of constitution making. Grundnorm (or the Vox populi -- voice of the people) is the pivot around which the UPFA's long term hopes lie, in perpetuating Chandrika Kumaratunga rule on the long run, in the event the UPFA is elected. But for that the UPFA needs to be elected in the first place, and by this time next week, we shall meet again -- in a manner of speaking… By then, there will be no more speculation, or will there be?? We will be clear on who has won how many seats, but perhaps not so clear on who is going to govern this country, leave alone the long term at least in the short run. Folks, please vote well then. Political
myopia: Just a new election with obsolete policies What culminated were rounds of intense debates on electronic media forums as well as at elections platforms. While the UNF challenged the FA to reveal what their real policy was, the FA totally rejected the notion of two manifestos, alleging that the UNF was involved in a covert "psy-op" (psychological operation) to destroy the credibility of the alliance. But there is one missing link in the whole of this crisis that people should be enlightened on. Are both parties sincere in their assertion? The appalling story behind the election manifestos was that though they were printed and distributed some time earlier, no politician, green, blue or red had read them until it was highlighted by the press. Prof. G.L Peiris declared that he spotted irreconcilable contradictions in the two election manifestos released by the Freedom Alliance. An election manifesto is primarily a policy document of a future government, but if the people wanting a new government are not aware of its policies, what value can one place on such an election manifesto? This has been the ground reality of Sri Lankan politics for the past decades. This myopia of the politicians and the policy- makers of the country, has added immensely toward the political and economic destabilization of the nation. It seems that policy has become irrelevant in governance, but only limited to election propaganda or to be used as assets in political debates during the run -up to elections. Could a government or even one single representative of it hold an election manifesto in his hand that he or his government pledged even a year back make a progress assessment at a public forum? What actually happened to the Freedom Alliance was that they released an election manifesto on March 11, with some short- term proposals that any grade five student would perceive as highly unrealistic. Secondly its economic policy is vague and the concepts quite regressive. The revised version is a more realistic, refined and advanced election manifesto which has unfortunately triggered a panic reaction resulting in a total denouncement of this comprehensive policy document. But the noteworthy factor behind this rejection of the revised document is the growing internal power of the JVP within the Alliance. As the news spread of the revised manifesto a JVP delegation held an emergency meeting with President Kumaratunga. The outcome was that the March 11 manifesto would stay while the second had to be immediately withdrawn and destroyed. There were less than 500 printed copies of the first manifesto and most of them were destroyed after complaints of many typographical errors. Only some UPFA members have the first print as invitees who attended the official launch. Hence they were fortunate in possessing the document. But the publicity led to the immediate closure of a very efficient and comprehensive media unit of the SLFP. The refurbished office of the Information and Media unit of the SLFP located on the fourth floor of the SLFP party head office has been sealed under a presidential directive. Operations of this unit commenced nearly one year back to coordinate propaganda work of the party needed for a future election. The design of the whole system was made by Mangala Samaraweera. The SLFP, fearing an internal infiltration of its activities with the blowing up of two manifestos is trying to tighten the grip on its own membership. This seems counterproductive as it is tantamount to a suppression of SLFP elements within the Alliance which appears to be dominated by a few JVP cadres which is systematically taking place. Finally, it has to be noted that on the issue of the peace process the Freedom Alliance is now trying to create an image of a national security crisis. But one should be reminded that it was President Chandrika Kumaratunga who removed Gen. Sarath Fonseka from his Northern Command when she took over the portfolio of defence. He was a commander who led from the front and also kept a strategic hold on the province also known to be the most popular commander after the late Major General Denzil Kobbekaduwa. This is myopia at its best with both the leading political parties going at each other's throats, making it a final battle for total domination. Thus it is neither to "Yali Pubudamu Sri Lanka" nor to take the "Rata Perata" but for "Yali Pubudamu UNP" and "FA perata" not the "Rata/ Sri Lanka". These people have everything to lose. The President has only two more years in office. Somawansa Amerasinghe will have to say bye to the country and the Prime Minister will find it difficult to tame the Tigers again. For us, the commoners, we need an environment to live in dignity and not always looking at our structures of governance crumble like in a lawless region in Punjab. |
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