Political Column

Political Column

UPFA, with stability within reach, opted for chaos
By Our Political Editor
The JVP played the system, and won. Then the JVP became cocky. Last week they played the system again, and all systems went haywire. The details of the fiasco in parliament which saw a nine and a half hour endurance test to elect the Speaker do not have to be repeated. But the surrounding circumstances are worth telling. Who was the UNF black-sheep for instance, who in the first round of voting wrote W.J. M Gunasekera in his ballot?

Obviously this column can only say that word is out that he is a member of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress. We are only saying word is out and not confirming this fact. It is speculative totally, we will say, and we leave it at that. Even UNP stalwarts think otherwise. They in fact, believe it is a UNPer, not an SLMC or CWC member.

But let's put it this way. If indeed that MP came to parliament, with an idea of voting for the UPFA's candidate for Speaker D. E. W. Gunasekera, he probably set the tone for events that were to follow in the rest of the day in the opening sessions of the 13th parliament.

The JVP and Wimal Weerawansa's troops had made their calculations. They could tilt the parliamentary balance with just one more opposition vote, because MP Pakiaselvan Areyendran of the TNA did not turn up. The LTTE did not want him to be there. It was too risky sending him, after the Karuna affair, but the LTTE also did not calculate for the numbers game that was to follow.

The JVP calculated that two Buddhist monks who had been kept in safe custody by the party will vote with the Alliance. But they needed the one UNF vote -- which is why Weerawansa insisted on a secret ballot from the time proceedings began in the House. There is no such thing as secrecy - - strictly speaking - in a House of people's representatives. How could a House that represents the people, not be anything but totally transparent??

But, then the boys who played the system had to play it again to their advantage, which is why Weerawansa announced from the UPFA's front benches that though the ballots (which according to standing orders had to be signed) were in fact "secret ballots.'' How a signed ballot becomes a secret ballot is moot -- but the UNF could not effectively counter this argument, and the Secretary General of parliament asked for a secret ballot in the end.

Then came the first round a tie of 108 to 108. If that MP had spoilt his ballot, reasons soon became obvious why he had done so. There was someone from his party literally looking over his shoulders. If it was indeed him that was the black sheep wrote, W. J. M in large letters for whoever that was looking. This was to convince the intruder that he was not breaking ranks and was in fact voting with the UNF's nominee W.J.M. Lokubandara. But in smaller letters he wrote Gunasekera, the name of the man to whom his vote was really intended. He did not sign the ballot of course, knowing he can be identified.

If he had satisfied those looking over his shoulder that he did not break ranks, he had also smartly spoilt his vote thereby keeping his promise with Weerawansa and Co., who had calculated that his vote will be forthcoming. But the vote that would have tilted the balance therefore never came for the UPFA and the hopes for a close but happy finish for the UPFA were destroyed.

This of course precipitated the events which have created history and are reported elsewhere in this paper, and were reported extensively in the media in the last few days. The JVPs insistence of secrecy was finally adhered to in the 3rd round of voting, and the government benches were smug. You could see it in their faces. They thought they had the UNF totally outplayed finally.

The two renegade monks, Apparekke Pangnananda and Kataluwe Ratnaseeha voted as expected, but so did two of the JHU monks who had abstained in the previous round of voting. They were Ven Omalpe Sobitha and Ven Athureliye Rathana. Seeing these monks walking up to the ballot box in almost Gandhian nonchalance, was too much for the UPFA. The Prime Minister's face fell. So many other faces in the front benches grew long while the jaws on those faces dropped visibly. For the rest of history, the UPFA will call this moment the great betrayal.

But, behind this 'great betrayal'' are the other stories that will become history when the dust settles on this day of infamy. The two JHU monks now say that they voted with the opposition candidate for speaker because they wanted to neutralise the 2 votes cast for the UPFA by the renegade monks who were 'kidnapped'' by the JVP-PA combine. It was the JHU's lay arm that arrived in parliament after the first round tie, who together with the monks in parliament, worked out the plan for the JHU monks in the second round. The votes were to be cast by the monks who earlier abstained, to neutralise the 2 votes that had been robbed from the JHU by the JVP and the alliance. The arrival of JHU's Udaya Gammanpilla in parliament soon leaked out, and PM Mahinda Rajapakse himself placed a call to the President so that Udaya Gammanpilla could listen to her appeal for the JHU votes. None of these remonstrations worked. Gammanpilla and his Sanga retinue had decided that they will take an eye for an eye, and neutralise the two robbed votes.

The JHU had been livid over the entire week about these abductions. But, it was clear than one of the two renegade monks in fact supported the UPFA from the time of the elections. It is now clear that they had to be taken into safe custody by the JVP & Co., to save them from the JHU which was by now hopping mad with them!

Both Ranil Wickremesinghe and Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga visited the Asapuwa, the lodgings of the JHU's charismatic Ven Uduwe Dhammaloka Thera. The President visited the Asapuwa, along with D. E. W. Gunasekera the candidate for speaker.

When she was confronted with the kidnapping of the two renegade JHU monks, she swore on her dear departed mother ("mage ammapalla mage deyyanpalla'') that she does not know anything about this abduction. Ven Uduwe Dhammaloka however says now that the two monks were taken away in vehicles belonging to two of the President's close associates.

As if all this robe and dagger was not enough, the JHU and the JVP are now accusing each other of the vilest low-down behaviour. The JHU says it was almost shamelessly tricked into voting with the Alliance because Wimal Weerwansa furnished letters to the effect that he will ask the two renegade monks to resign. This was after the first round of voting in parliament for Speaker last Thursday, when the JVP made a serious effort to canvass the rest of the JHU votes for Speaker. But, Ven Athureliye Rathana made it clear to the JVP that only the letters of resignation signed by the two renegades will make them consider voting with the Alliance.

The UPFA has now lost the Speaker race. It means that their Constituent Assembly plans will probably go down the tubes, with the new Speaker probably not cooperating with the idea of convening the parliament as a Constituent Assembly. This also leaves Chandrika Kumaratunga with no coalition allies at the moment. But she still has the only chance of getting the required 113 votes in parliament to govern. The UNF can never get this 113 unless at least 3 of the monks join them permanently, which is out of the question. The Alliance seems to have given up the volatile and temperamental monks also. Who else is there for them? It is Rauff Hakeem and the minority parties. Chandrika Kumaratunga on Thursday called for resumption of peace talks, and for Norway to get involved. Sarath Amunugama has also asked for a coalition with the minorities. Don't be the least surprised if Hakeem and Kumaratunga decide they can be in the same government again after all.

Today's events show of what's to come
By Harinda Ranura Vidanage
The swearing in of the new Freedom Alliance government was explained by President Kumaratunga as being the dawn of a new era in civility for a nation that was seeking a cultural rejuvenation and a re-creation of a regime that believes in a fresh value system. But the composition of the new parliament may make it difficult for her dream to be achieved. The internal contradictions that were simmering inside came out in force with the contest for the election of the speaker last Thursday.

The Government to begin with was at a disadvantage on two counts in the race. First it was the inability of the Alliance to count the required 113 votes to ensure the election of its candidate as speaker. Secondly the ongoing standoff between the JVP and the SLFP on issues of subject allocation in ministries and JVP's disinclination to accept the ministries therefore had a debilitating effect.

Several attempts to resolve the problem of ministries prior to the commencement of parliament were undertaken since last Sunday without success. Two people who were deeply involved in trying to break this deadlock were SLFP's Mangala Samaraweera, the prime mover in the whole unity project backed strongly by Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapakse, one time thorn in the JVP-SLFP marriage.

Mr. Samaraweera met Wimal Weerawansa and Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the JVP at a location in Anura Kumara's stronghold. The discussions appeared not successful at the onset but the teams agreed to seek a solution through further discussion which earlier had been rejected by the JVP saying it would take them nowhere. Thus Sunday's informal meeting was based on creating a friendly environment for any future talks.

Monday was a busy day for both teams as it was a day filled with pocket meetings but done with much enthusiasm to solve the crisis prior to the House Sessions beginning. It was again the Mangala- Mahinda committee which met at the Prime Minister's residence.

This meeting was followed by another round of discussion between Mahinda Rajapakse and Wimal Weerawansa. This was quite a crucial meeting where the Prime Minister pointed out that the JVP will also have to be flexible if the crisis were to be resolved.

In turn the JVP central committee had met and decided to persist in pressuring President Kumaratunga to hand over to them the portfolio of the ministry of Mahawelli. But on the same day President Kumaratunga had reportedly made certain strong remarks at the meeting of the constitutional amendment steering committee.

What the President had said almost amounted to the view that the JVP had taken over most of the SLFP power bases while at same time eating into the grass roots support bases of her party. The following day the SLFP and the JVP met once again in the evening to discuss reconciliation moves since it was hardly left with a day before Parliament began the sessions.

The final compromise offered by the SLFP delegation which included Mangala Samareera and Mahinda Rajapakse was that the President should take over the Mahaweli portfolio with the deputy minister coming from the JVP. As requested earlier the JVP reacted positively by accepting it. At the end of the discussion all in the UPFA felt that the crisis was finally over. Immediately the press was informed and the next day banners appeared for the second time in a week that the crisis had ended. But many were shocked to find it not materializing. It was president Kumaratunga who shot down this compromise. The SLFP after meeting the JVP met President Kumaratunga late in the night where she refused to accept the Mahawelli portfolio

This decision did hurt both Mangala Samaraweera and Mahinda Rajapakse. It to a certain extent damaged their credibility. Hence the crisis appears to have gone beyond Parliament and may have contributed to an ideological repressiveness among the Alliance MPs when they trooped into parliament. But the vigorous fight the state media had led to paint a picture of how the FA has secured 2/3 s of power at the general elections proved all to be in vain.

The fallout of this disastrous failure at reconciliation could introduce two issues that may affect the two parties in the long run. Firstly it will be a real sad day for all the Buddhists in this country. The Buddhist community may not feel the same since there will be debating the actions of the MP-Monks of the JHU as against the rest of the Buddhist clergy. But the tragedy of it was the setback it caused to the Buddha Sasana when the movement failed to live up to the promise it held.

Does this situation mean that it was impossible to be apolitical in a political institution, and to be independent in a partisan context as is obtained today. By voting to balance an internal contradiction it showed what difficulties lay on the path to unity even among the venerable Buddhist clergy. This is the sorry status of Buddhist unity in this country, but the state media highlighting this issue is obviously working to put down the JHU politically but unconsciously creating a split among the Buddhist voice in this country.

It is now asked what the saffron political ideology stands for? Finally it was apparent that it was the day of the Boys; (Bunch of Young Socialists), Wimal Weerawansa was more in command of the Alliance than any of the other leaders. So as the Boys take over power both physically and ideologically Sri Lanka definitely will see the tide of traditional politics, parties and processes change either for better or worse. Only time will decide which way the fide will flow.

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