Where
torture is endemic
The ongoing furore over the torture of prisoners by United States
military and intelligence personnel in Iraqi and Afghanistan prisons
is a good reminder for misguided 'country-phobic" individuals
in Sri Lanka who think that merely by denying that a problem exists,
one can wish it away.
Time
and time again, this column has highlighted increasingly outrageous
cases of police torture being indulged in as a matter of common
practice. These well documented instances include cases where the
Supreme Court itself has found evidence of torture as well as cover
up by medical personnel examining the victim and the negligence
of the magistrate before whom he or she is initially produced.
This
is not to say that each and every case of torture reported is genuine.
However, it is undisputed that there is now a prevalent and persistent
problem relating to the treatment of individuals in official care
and custody, (whether police or prisons). Hence the continuing use
of the term 'endemic', used first in last week's column in relation
to the phenomenon of torture in this country. What is worrying is
the persistence of this problem despite the fact that extraordinary
emergency laws are no longer in force in Sri Lanka. What we have,
in effect, is a situation where emergency law operates in the shadows
in the continuation of the impunity afforded to law enforcement
officers and custodial officers who engage in abuse of the powers
of their office.
Despite
this, no government monitoring organisation or unit appears to bestir
itself to engage their personnel in immediate visits to places from
which complaints of torture are received and ascertain for themselves,
the credibility of those complaints. Nor is there any direction
given by any of these bodies regarding immediate remedial action,
which would include medical treatment and production before court.
Instead, the onus is on the victim himself or herself to engage
in this process. Very often, this becomes next to impossible for
either the victim or his or her loved ones driven from pillar to
post in search of justice.
All
the while, the accused officer continues serving in his same capacity
and even sometimes, in the same police station where he is alleged
to have committed serious crimes while there are interminable 'investigations',
most often engaged in by members of the same force to which he or
she belongs. This, in sum, is what is basically wrong with our processes
up to now.
The
whole is extremely well illustrated by the instance where a minor,
B. G. Chamila Bandara Jayaratne was tortured from 20th to 28th July
2003 at Ankumbura Police Station, ostensibly on grounds that he
had committed a petty crime. This young boy was not produced before
a JMO for examination despite being admitted to the Kandy hospital
for treatment. It was only, after being re-admitted to the Peradeniya
Hospi-tal, that Chamila was given a proper medical examination,
as a result of which, doctors declared the impairment of the use
of his left arm.
The
second stage in this saga came when his case was reported to the
district area co-ordinator of the National Human Rights Commission
who, going by only the police version, concluded that there had
been no mistreatment. Desperate, his family had gone to local activists
who appealed to the Hong Kong based Asian Human Rights Commission
(AHRC) which focuses on police torture issues in Asia, including
India, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Indonesia.
It
was only as a result of this pressure that investigations were re-opened
into Chamila Bandara's case by the newly re-constituted National
Human Rights Commission, appoi-nted under the provisions of the
17th Amendment, and the matter was handed over to a one-man inquiry
committee. Meanwhile, the members of his family were threatened
by the police officers named as those responsible and Chamila himself
had to go into hiding.
While
this was ongoing, his case was taken before the United Nations Human
Rights Committee (UNH-RC) at its seventy ninth session when it considered
Sri Lanka's combined fourth and fifth Periodic Reports under the
International Coven-ant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). Chamila
himself gave testimony before the UNHRC members. At that point,
it is notable that the representative of the State before the UNHRC
specifically denied that torture had occurred when the case was
brought to his attention by the UNHRC, more or less alleging that
the allegations had been fabricated.
Chamila
Banda-ra's plight is now however vindicated by the report of the
one-man inquiry committee, released recently, which has concluded
that the young boy had, in fact, been tortured, as a result of which,
his rights under Article 11, Article 12(1) and Article 13(1) and
(2) had been violated.
The
OIC of the Ankumbura police and other police officers serving under
his command have been found responsible. The final recommendation
of the inquiry committee is that a copy of the inquiry report be
sent to the IGP who should send severe warning to the individual
police officers that any further instances of abuse on their part
would result in a termination of their services. Whether this will
constitute sufficient deterrence, is open to question. However,
it is hoped that this case, at least, will serve as warning to otherwise
well-intentioned officers and individuals in charge of monitoring
human rights in this country, to be somewhat more cautious before
defending that which is indefensible.
In
this sense, there is something for us to learn in the debates ongoing
in the international media with regard to allegations of custodial
abuse at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay. First, deep levels of outrage
have been evidenced among Americans who are not at all convinced
that, despite claims made to this effect by the current US administration,
only a handful of aberrant soldiers are to blame.
Instead,
as even Republican congressmen have conceded, the impunity with
which the photographs and videos of abused prisoners have been taken,
manifests a serious dysfunction at a much higher level. Whether
the ongoing investigations or the projected court martials later
this month, will disclose this fact in its full severity, remains
to be seen.
Secondly,
the issue is now firmly out in the open, taken up as it is with
a vengeance by the media. Undoubtedly, des-pite the spin that is
being put on the great virtues of a democracy that ventilates such
issues in the public forum, the vigour of the current debates is
to the credit of the American system. |