Political Column  

Jan. 26: The day the JVP nearly quit
By Our Political Editor
It was five weeks to the Sunday since nature's fury numbed a nation. Never in the history of Sri Lanka have rising tidal waves given rise to such high emotions over tragic loss of life, death and destruction. Even if some of the obliteration caused by the tsunamis will soon disappear with relief and rehabilitation efforts under way, most will not. They will remain etched in the minds of the young and old alike. Such are the vagaries of natural disasters that strike in gigantic proportions. In this new millennium mankind is yet to tame the tiny drops that make a mighty ocean which turned monster on Boxing Day, December 26, 2004.

In this disconcerting backdrop, Sri Lankans were nearly treated to a political tsunami of sorts exactly a month later, on January 26. Not many are aware such a catastrophe would have shaken the country's political firmament to the core. But that was not to be, for last minute hesitation prevailed. However, for how long more such hesitation will remain intact is still a billion dollar question.

I refer to the move by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (or the People's Liberation Front), the second largest coalition partner of the ruling coalition Government, to 'serve notice' to part ways from the United People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA).

JVP leader Somawansa Amerasinghe, General Secretary Tilvin Silva, Propaganda Secretary Wimal Weerawansa and other seniors were to appear before the media last Wednesday (Jan. 26). At a scheduled news conference from the auditorium of the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI) at Independence Square in Colombo, they were to announce their bombshell decision.

Severe strictures were to be made on their senior Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) coalition partner. But a last minute change of heart has stalled things, at least temporarily. The announcement was going to come, stealthily, like the silent tsunami came a month earlier, causing the devastation that was to follow.

There are several reasons. The immediate cause, however, is the role of the Norwegian peace facilitator. Last week, the Scandinavians shifted gear from facilitating peace to becoming a broker. They wanted to broker a new mechanism, call it an interim arrangement, if you like, between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on how to jointly rehabilitate and reconstruct tsunami-ravaged areas under LTTE control.

"The idea is to ensure there is a close dialogue and interaction in the channelling of aid, equipment and expertise to the Tiger guerrilla controlled areas. Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Petersen and party approached the LTTE and the Government on this issue. They even offered to become the common denominator on the issue, so things could move forward for a few months. It is only thereafter that the Norwegians want to return to their main task of kick starting the peace talks.

More on what the high powered Norwegian delegation did while they were in Sri Lanka last week is now coming to light. Led by Foreign Minister Petersen, the team broached the subject during talks with LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran and his senior leaders. Firstly, the meeting itself was a public snub to the top most UPFA leaders who had believed Prabhakaran had died, a victim of the tsunami himself. This belief extended even across the Palk Straits to century-old newspapers like the Chennai based The Hindu to report on Prabhakaran's obituary.

It even made forensic experts out of some local scribes. Even without a magnifying lens, they concluded the pictures of Prabhakaran were a fake. So much for the know-alls who are to keep the public in the picture.

The Norwegians gladly played the tsunami waltz whilst in Kilinochchi. For good measure their International Development Minister Hilde F. Johnson was also on hand beaming to cameras, the after-glow of having met a reclusive terrorist leader, quite the fashionable thing with such foreign dignitaries, and some useful pictures that can go into their autobiographies.

They told the LTTE that working together to share the resources the Government received would help them reconstruct areas under their control. The LTTE faces lit up. Little wonder rebel Chief Negotiator Anton Balasingham was to later declare that contentious issues could wait. The first task was to get together and put right the damage caused by the devastation.

Returning to Colombo, the Norwegians found the Government's resolve equally strong. They were willing to work together. Foreign Minister Petersen, International Aid Minister Johnson and Special Advisor Erik Solheim had left. So it fell on Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar Helgesen to make an unexpected return-trip to Kilinochchi together with Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar last Monday.

He conveyed to the LTTE the Sri Lankan Government's readiness to work closely with the rebels. But, unlike on other occasions, he avoided meeting the media and returned to Colombo on this trip. Enroute he visited Kalmunai, the pre-dominantly Muslim town to see the devastation there, and show Norway's sympathy was also with that community. Later, he boarded a flight out of Colombo.

There had been some veiled understanding, both from Colombo and the Wanni that they were prepared to work together. The Norwegians may have tried to get a firm pledge, which they could have presented in Brussels to the Co-Chairs, another feather in their cap. Thus, the second-trip by Helgessen to the Wanni.

The news filtered to the JVP, and they were infuriated by what they heard. They had not been briefed by their senior coalition partner on the latest twist to Norwegian peace facilitation efforts. Nor about the up-grading of the Norwegian role to a quasi-moderator of sorts, at least for tsunami relief work in the LTTE areas.

The JVP's politburo met that same Monday night for a late session where all the irritants in their coalition with the SLFP were discussed. The politburo was of the view that giving equal status to the LTTE - in channelling funds and other assistance - equated it to the status of another state player.

It was wrong since the LTTE was a group that had resorted to arms to wage war against successive governments. And unlike the JVP which did the same thing, it has not renounced violence as the means to an end, which the JVP says it has now done. The politburo was of the view the objectives of developing areas not under Government control could be done through district level dommittees.

They had no objections to such committees incorporating Tamil personalities from the districts. There was no justification for the Government equating the LTTE as equal partners.

Co-incidentally, the editorial in The Sunday Times dealt with this same issue just the day before. Referring to the meeting of the international aid donors who were to meet in Brussels during the week, the editorial said, "If freedom is to win over tyranny, worldwide, these donor countries must abandon the moral equivalency between a sovereign State and a terrorist organisation". The editorial tried to impress upon the donor agencies and countries, of the need to avoid this 'moral equivalency' been shown to the LTTE under the guise of humanitarian assistance.

The seriousness of the situation could be seen from what followed. On Tuesday the Central Committee of the JVP met. The meeting went on for some 10 hours and continued till past midnight, endorsing the decisions taken by the politburo. The vociferous JVP trade union leader K. D. Lal Kantha, also the Minister of Small and Rural Industries, had earlier castigated the UPFA Government in the open when he said the present leadership had no plans for rebuilding the nation post-tsunami.

On that occasion, addressing a discussion group at the New Town Hall in Colombo, the trade unionist-Cabinet Minister said that the UPFA leadership was unable even to maintain unity within the UPFA, so how could the people expect it to bring unity to the nation. He even critiqued his cabinet colleagues for introducing routine papers and discussing the tsunami disaster only in passing, when it met for the first time after the Dec. 26 havoc.

It was in this pressure-cooker atmosphere that the JVP meeting was held. Speaker after speaker was critical of President Chandrika Kumaratunga's leadership especially in the post-tsunami relief efforts. The President's two top-shots in relief work (Tara de Mel) and rehabilitation (Mano Tittawela) were spared the hot iron rod, but not so the rest of the Presidential committees. They got roasted.

While the meeting was in full flight, the party's pater-familias, Somawansa Amarasinghe, decided he should telephone Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar who was in the gym doing his exercises. Kadirgamar is liked by the JVP, and was their nominee for the Prime Ministerial post in April last year. Amarasinghe must have broken Kadirgamar's rhythm, but what would have taken the Minister off stride would have been the tone of the caller.

As the JVP meeting came to a temporary halt, a hush pervaded the tense air. The comrades heard their leader Somawansa Amarasinghe telling Kadirgamar, "We want to see you". Kadirgamar must have said something like "Of course, I don't have my diary with me, when shall we meet? ", to which Amarasinghe said something like "first thing tomorrow morning".

Now, first light for Kadirgamar is not exactly at the crack of dawn, but he was not given much choice. The meeting was fixed for 7 am, Wednesday, January 26, and Kadirgamar would have been well aware that 7 am was 7 am for the JVP. Only the President can keep them waiting, and she was wont to do on many occasions - once forcing the JVP leadership to kick their heels at the Galle Face Green for an hour or more till she deigned to meet with them.

Kadirgamar confirmed the fact that the JVP leaders Amarasinghe, and General Secretary Silva came to see him that morning. It appears that when the duo walked in one could set one's clock by their sense of timing. It was 7 O'clock on the dot. There was a momentary silence, as if they were all saying their morning prayers beforehand.

Amarasinghe started the pleasantries by asking Kadirgamar about the numerous visits of foreign VIPs to Sri Lanka in the recent weeks, and Kadirgamar responded by opening the discussion by giving them a detailed account of what the foreign governments were saying, and also the structures in force for relief and rehabilitation.

The JVP leader said that it was only now, one month after the tsunami devastation hit Sri Lanka, that the JVP has come to grips with the political fallout of the event, especially in terms of international politics, its dimensions, and its effects on Sri Lanka's politics. For starters, they asked the Foreign Minister if he could provide them with a list of the aid pledged, the monies received, and the list of foreign troops in the country etc.

Kadirgamar said he told them that he was preparing such a list. Then, the JVP duo began echoing some of the sentiments that had been expressed at the previous night's meeting. Among them, they somewhat jocularly said, was how Sri Lankan children in and around Galle were waving the American stars and stripes flag - given to them by the visiting US Marines.

Then, Amarasinghe questioned the role of the Norwegians and the role of the international donors and what they were upto with the LTTE. Was the Government going to have a working arrangement with the LTTE, in fact, was the Government going to set-up any interim authority for the LTTE to handle relief work.

Kadirgamar began to explain what the Government was doing. He said that there was no special arrangement with the LTTE, and what was being worked out with the LTTE was the same arrangement being worked out in the other districts affected by the tsunami. He said that there would be Sinhalese and Muslims as well in the north-east relief operations. The GAs would be there, he said. The JVP said that some GAs were LTTE reps anyway, but having GAs on these committees was a good thing. The JVP then asked for Police STF representatives to be appointed to these committees in the East.

The JVP team said they were concerned about the district-level relief and rehabilitation programmes, but Kadirgamar seemed to have convinced them that there was no need to be too alarmed. They had asked for an hour with Kadirgamar, but the JVP was not as punctual when it was time to go. They stayed on till ten past eight, not that much long after they had asked for.

At 9 am - fifty minutes later, the JVP had scheduled a news conference where it was to make the 'Quit Notice' announcement. It was not to be. Amarasinghe and Silva convinced their cadres that now was not the time to make the announcement. The news conference was called off, with short notice, and no reasons given.

It later transpired that no sooner the JVP duo left, the Colombo correspondent for The Hindu V.S. Sambandan walked in for a pre-scheduled interview with the Foreign Minister. Sambandan asked Kadirgamar the same questions. "There are reports", he said "of the LTTE requesting funds to be directly sent to it. Has such a request come and what would be the Government's response". He also asked about any 'working arrangement' between the Government and the LTTE, and about whether this was going to be a prelude to some political cohabitation between the two parties.

Kadirgamar gave detailed answers. Some references are; "That is a reality one has to accept, so, I see signs of the Government, the LTTE, and the donors putting their act together of balancing two concepts that funds cannot be given outright to the LTTE as against the necessity for the LTTE, in its areas, to have a significant hand in the implementation of projects...".

Elsewhere he says, "There will have to be some kind of structure at the centre, with participation by the Government, the LTTE and other concerned parties to deal with the allocation of funds to projects ".

Then he says, "The tsunami disaster has, in a sense, forced upon us a situation in which we have to work along the lines indicated with a degree of urgency that might (not) have been otherwise present.... it does certainly foreshadow a future of more elaborate and more permanent arrangement, with constitutional implications... I think the best way of putting it is to say that this is a kind of cruel blessing in disguise ".

Ironically, while the JVP had cancelled its news conference it was Kadirgamar who chaired a news conference later that day at the Centre for National Operations in Colombo. By then, the Co-Chairs had also issued their press release from Brussels. US Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage was unable to make the trip because he could not catch his flight, and could not get connections. His place was filled by US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Jeffry Luanstead.

The Brussels release made no reference to any links between the peace process and the tsunami aid, and said nothing about giving aid directly to the LTTE, or for the Sri Lankan Government to work together with the LTTE, though it did make some veiled references to "in the midst of this tremendous natural disaster, opportunities existed to strengthen the peace process", a veiled statement for all parties to work together or some such thing couched in cute diplomatic language.

At the news conference, Kadirgamar was asked this question that kept bothering the JVP. His reply was; "As of Wednesday there is no agreement and no final decision between the two parties. There is nothing signed. There is no piece of paper anywhere. The process moves hour by hour. The two parties were merely working on a process to assist the reconstruction and rehabilitation work.

"We have to leave our likes and dislikes aside. Sometimes you have to work with people you dislike. We can have a working arrangement. Our discussions have to be realistic". That indeed was diplomatic jargon to say well, yes we might have to do somethings with the LTTE, but no, we don't have any signed agreement on it, really .

Butting in at the same news conference was Harim Peiris, the spokesman for the President who has been one of the key players in a two track diplomacy with the LTTE. If the Norwegians were talking at a higher level, Peiris has also been visiting the Wanni and continuing a dialogue with LTTE Peace Secretariat leader S. Prabagaran alias Pulithevan. He showed up at the same news conference to explain there is only a "working arrangement." That "working arrangement," is exactly what the JVP is objecting to. What they keep asking is whether the PA leaders are adopting two-track diplomacy with the JVP as well as the LTTE.

That same evening the PA leaders were having a meeting at President's House. Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera had also been in contact with the JVP leadership. He was a worried man, being one of the key players in the formation of the UPFA. Samaraweera hailed Kadirgamar and told him, "Do you know what you have gone and done?". Taken aback, the Foreign Minister asked what all that was about. Samaraweera said he had learnt of the outcome of their discussions from the JVP.

"They only came for a briefing, didn't they?" suggested Kadirgamar. "No" said Samaraweera emphatically. "It was much more than that". Samaraweera was privy to the fact that the JVP leaders had asked for a meeting with Kadirgamar that morning. And it was to tell Kadirgamar that, "it was all over for the UPFA coalition."


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