Jan.
26: The day the JVP nearly quit
By Our Political Editor
It was five weeks to the Sunday since nature's fury
numbed a nation. Never in the history of Sri Lanka have rising tidal
waves given rise to such high emotions over tragic loss of life,
death and destruction. Even if some of the obliteration caused by
the tsunamis will soon disappear with relief and rehabilitation
efforts under way, most will not. They will remain etched in the
minds of the young and old alike. Such are the vagaries of natural
disasters that strike in gigantic proportions. In this new millennium
mankind is yet to tame the tiny drops that make a mighty ocean which
turned monster on Boxing Day, December 26, 2004.
In
this disconcerting backdrop, Sri Lankans were nearly treated to
a political tsunami of sorts exactly a month later, on January 26.
Not many are aware such a catastrophe would have shaken the country's
political firmament to the core. But that was not to be, for last
minute hesitation prevailed. However, for how long more such hesitation
will remain intact is still a billion dollar question.
I
refer to the move by the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (or the People's
Liberation Front), the second largest coalition partner of the ruling
coalition Government, to 'serve notice' to part ways from the United
People's Freedom Alliance (UPFA).
JVP
leader Somawansa Amerasinghe, General Secretary Tilvin Silva, Propaganda
Secretary Wimal Weerawansa and other seniors were to appear before
the media last Wednesday (Jan. 26). At a scheduled news conference
from the auditorium of the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute (SLFI)
at Independence Square in Colombo, they were to announce their bombshell
decision.
Severe
strictures were to be made on their senior Sri Lanka Freedom Party
(SLFP) coalition partner. But a last minute change of heart has
stalled things, at least temporarily. The announcement was going
to come, stealthily, like the silent tsunami came a month earlier,
causing the devastation that was to follow.
There
are several reasons. The immediate cause, however, is the role of
the Norwegian peace facilitator. Last week, the Scandinavians shifted
gear from facilitating peace to becoming a broker. They wanted to
broker a new mechanism, call it an interim arrangement, if you like,
between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of
Tamil Eelam (LTTE) on how to jointly rehabilitate and reconstruct
tsunami-ravaged areas under LTTE control.
"The
idea is to ensure there is a close dialogue and interaction in the
channelling of aid, equipment and expertise to the Tiger guerrilla
controlled areas. Norwegian Foreign Minister Jan Petersen and party
approached the LTTE and the Government on this issue. They even
offered to become the common denominator on the issue, so things
could move forward for a few months. It is only thereafter that
the Norwegians want to return to their main task of kick starting
the peace talks.
More
on what the high powered Norwegian delegation did while they were
in Sri Lanka last week is now coming to light. Led by Foreign Minister
Petersen, the team broached the subject during talks with LTTE leader
Velupillai Prabhakaran and his senior leaders. Firstly, the meeting
itself was a public snub to the top most UPFA leaders who had believed
Prabhakaran had died, a victim of the tsunami himself. This belief
extended even across the Palk Straits to century-old newspapers
like the Chennai based The Hindu to report on Prabhakaran's obituary.
It
even made forensic experts out of some local scribes. Even without
a magnifying lens, they concluded the pictures of Prabhakaran were
a fake. So much for the know-alls who are to keep the public in
the picture.
The
Norwegians gladly played the tsunami waltz whilst in Kilinochchi.
For good measure their International Development Minister Hilde
F. Johnson was also on hand beaming to cameras, the after-glow of
having met a reclusive terrorist leader, quite the fashionable thing
with such foreign dignitaries, and some useful pictures that can
go into their autobiographies.
They
told the LTTE that working together to share the resources the Government
received would help them reconstruct areas under their control.
The LTTE faces lit up. Little wonder rebel Chief Negotiator Anton
Balasingham was to later declare that contentious issues could wait.
The first task was to get together and put right the damage caused
by the devastation.
Returning
to Colombo, the Norwegians found the Government's resolve equally
strong. They were willing to work together. Foreign Minister Petersen,
International Aid Minister Johnson and Special Advisor Erik Solheim
had left. So it fell on Norwegian Deputy Foreign Minister Vidar
Helgesen to make an unexpected return-trip to Kilinochchi together
with Norway's Ambassador Hans Brattskar last Monday.
He
conveyed to the LTTE the Sri Lankan Government's readiness to work
closely with the rebels. But, unlike on other occasions, he avoided
meeting the media and returned to Colombo on this trip. Enroute
he visited Kalmunai, the pre-dominantly Muslim town to see the devastation
there, and show Norway's sympathy was also with that community.
Later, he boarded a flight out of Colombo.
There
had been some veiled understanding, both from Colombo and the Wanni
that they were prepared to work together. The Norwegians may have
tried to get a firm pledge, which they could have presented in Brussels
to the Co-Chairs, another feather in their cap. Thus, the second-trip
by Helgessen to the Wanni.
The
news filtered to the JVP, and they were infuriated by what they
heard. They had not been briefed by their senior coalition partner
on the latest twist to Norwegian peace facilitation efforts. Nor
about the up-grading of the Norwegian role to a quasi-moderator
of sorts, at least for tsunami relief work in the LTTE areas.
The
JVP's politburo met that same Monday night for a late session where
all the irritants in their coalition with the SLFP were discussed.
The politburo was of the view that giving equal status to the LTTE
- in channelling funds and other assistance - equated it to the
status of another state player.
It
was wrong since the LTTE was a group that had resorted to arms to
wage war against successive governments. And unlike the JVP which
did the same thing, it has not renounced violence as the means to
an end, which the JVP says it has now done. The politburo was of
the view the objectives of developing areas not under Government
control could be done through district level dommittees.
They
had no objections to such committees incorporating Tamil personalities
from the districts. There was no justification for the Government
equating the LTTE as equal partners.
Co-incidentally,
the editorial in The Sunday Times dealt with this same issue just
the day before. Referring to the meeting of the international aid
donors who were to meet in Brussels during the week, the editorial
said, "If freedom is to win over tyranny, worldwide, these
donor countries must abandon the moral equivalency between a sovereign
State and a terrorist organisation". The editorial tried to
impress upon the donor agencies and countries, of the need to avoid
this 'moral equivalency' been shown to the LTTE under the guise
of humanitarian assistance.
The
seriousness of the situation could be seen from what followed. On
Tuesday the Central Committee of the JVP met. The meeting went on
for some 10 hours and continued till past midnight, endorsing the
decisions taken by the politburo. The vociferous JVP trade union
leader K. D. Lal Kantha, also the Minister of Small and Rural Industries,
had earlier castigated the UPFA Government in the open when he said
the present leadership had no plans for rebuilding the nation post-tsunami.
On
that occasion, addressing a discussion group at the New Town Hall
in Colombo, the trade unionist-Cabinet Minister said that the UPFA
leadership was unable even to maintain unity within the UPFA, so
how could the people expect it to bring unity to the nation. He
even critiqued his cabinet colleagues for introducing routine papers
and discussing the tsunami disaster only in passing, when it met
for the first time after the Dec. 26 havoc.
It
was in this pressure-cooker atmosphere that the JVP meeting was
held. Speaker after speaker was critical of President Chandrika
Kumaratunga's leadership especially in the post-tsunami relief efforts.
The President's two top-shots in relief work (Tara de Mel) and rehabilitation
(Mano Tittawela) were spared the hot iron rod, but not so the rest
of the Presidential committees. They got roasted.
While
the meeting was in full flight, the party's pater-familias, Somawansa
Amarasinghe, decided he should telephone Foreign Minister Lakshman
Kadirgamar who was in the gym doing his exercises. Kadirgamar is
liked by the JVP, and was their nominee for the Prime Ministerial
post in April last year. Amarasinghe must have broken Kadirgamar's
rhythm, but what would have taken the Minister off stride would
have been the tone of the caller.
As
the JVP meeting came to a temporary halt, a hush pervaded the tense
air. The comrades heard their leader Somawansa Amarasinghe telling
Kadirgamar, "We want to see you". Kadirgamar must have
said something like "Of course, I don't have my diary with
me, when shall we meet? ", to which Amarasinghe said something
like "first thing tomorrow morning".
Now,
first light for Kadirgamar is not exactly at the crack of dawn,
but he was not given much choice. The meeting was fixed for 7 am,
Wednesday, January 26, and Kadirgamar would have been well aware
that 7 am was 7 am for the JVP. Only the President can keep them
waiting, and she was wont to do on many occasions - once forcing
the JVP leadership to kick their heels at the Galle Face Green for
an hour or more till she deigned to meet with them.
Kadirgamar
confirmed the fact that the JVP leaders Amarasinghe, and General
Secretary Silva came to see him that morning. It appears that when
the duo walked in one could set one's clock by their sense of timing.
It was 7 O'clock on the dot. There was a momentary silence, as if
they were all saying their morning prayers beforehand.
Amarasinghe
started the pleasantries by asking Kadirgamar about the numerous
visits of foreign VIPs to Sri Lanka in the recent weeks, and Kadirgamar
responded by opening the discussion by giving them a detailed account
of what the foreign governments were saying, and also the structures
in force for relief and rehabilitation.
The
JVP leader said that it was only now, one month after the tsunami
devastation hit Sri Lanka, that the JVP has come to grips with the
political fallout of the event, especially in terms of international
politics, its dimensions, and its effects on Sri Lanka's politics.
For starters, they asked the Foreign Minister if he could provide
them with a list of the aid pledged, the monies received, and the
list of foreign troops in the country etc.
Kadirgamar
said he told them that he was preparing such a list. Then, the JVP
duo began echoing some of the sentiments that had been expressed
at the previous night's meeting. Among them, they somewhat jocularly
said, was how Sri Lankan children in and around Galle were waving
the American stars and stripes flag - given to them by the visiting
US Marines.
Then,
Amarasinghe questioned the role of the Norwegians and the role of
the international donors and what they were upto with the LTTE.
Was the Government going to have a working arrangement with the
LTTE, in fact, was the Government going to set-up any interim authority
for the LTTE to handle relief work.
Kadirgamar
began to explain what the Government was doing. He said that there
was no special arrangement with the LTTE, and what was being worked
out with the LTTE was the same arrangement being worked out in the
other districts affected by the tsunami. He said that there would
be Sinhalese and Muslims as well in the north-east relief operations.
The GAs would be there, he said. The JVP said that some GAs were
LTTE reps anyway, but having GAs on these committees was a good
thing. The JVP then asked for Police STF representatives to be appointed
to these committees in the East.
The
JVP team said they were concerned about the district-level relief
and rehabilitation programmes, but Kadirgamar seemed to have convinced
them that there was no need to be too alarmed. They had asked for
an hour with Kadirgamar, but the JVP was not as punctual when it
was time to go. They stayed on till ten past eight, not that much
long after they had asked for.
At
9 am - fifty minutes later, the JVP had scheduled a news conference
where it was to make the 'Quit Notice' announcement. It was not
to be. Amarasinghe and Silva convinced their cadres that now was
not the time to make the announcement. The news conference was called
off, with short notice, and no reasons given.
It
later transpired that no sooner the JVP duo left, the Colombo correspondent
for The Hindu V.S. Sambandan walked in for a pre-scheduled interview
with the Foreign Minister. Sambandan asked Kadirgamar the same questions.
"There are reports", he said "of the LTTE requesting
funds to be directly sent to it. Has such a request come and what
would be the Government's response". He also asked about any
'working arrangement' between the Government and the LTTE, and about
whether this was going to be a prelude to some political cohabitation
between the two parties.
Kadirgamar
gave detailed answers. Some references are; "That is a reality
one has to accept, so, I see signs of the Government, the LTTE,
and the donors putting their act together of balancing two concepts
that funds cannot be given outright to the LTTE as against the necessity
for the LTTE, in its areas, to have a significant hand in the implementation
of projects...".
Elsewhere
he says, "There will have to be some kind of structure at the
centre, with participation by the Government, the LTTE and other
concerned parties to deal with the allocation of funds to projects
".
Then
he says, "The tsunami disaster has, in a sense, forced upon
us a situation in which we have to work along the lines indicated
with a degree of urgency that might (not) have been otherwise present....
it does certainly foreshadow a future of more elaborate and more
permanent arrangement, with constitutional implications... I think
the best way of putting it is to say that this is a kind of cruel
blessing in disguise ".
Ironically,
while the JVP had cancelled its news conference it was Kadirgamar
who chaired a news conference later that day at the Centre for National
Operations in Colombo. By then, the Co-Chairs had also issued their
press release from Brussels. US Deputy Secretary of State Richard
Armitage was unable to make the trip because he could not catch
his flight, and could not get connections. His place was filled
by US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Jeffry Luanstead.
The
Brussels release made no reference to any links between the peace
process and the tsunami aid, and said nothing about giving aid directly
to the LTTE, or for the Sri Lankan Government to work together with
the LTTE, though it did make some veiled references to "in
the midst of this tremendous natural disaster, opportunities existed
to strengthen the peace process", a veiled statement for all
parties to work together or some such thing couched in cute diplomatic
language.
At
the news conference, Kadirgamar was asked this question that kept
bothering the JVP. His reply was; "As of Wednesday there is
no agreement and no final decision between the two parties. There
is nothing signed. There is no piece of paper anywhere. The process
moves hour by hour. The two parties were merely working on a process
to assist the reconstruction and rehabilitation work.
"We
have to leave our likes and dislikes aside. Sometimes you have to
work with people you dislike. We can have a working arrangement.
Our discussions have to be realistic". That indeed was diplomatic
jargon to say well, yes we might have to do somethings with the
LTTE, but no, we don't have any signed agreement on it, really .
Butting
in at the same news conference was Harim Peiris, the spokesman for
the President who has been one of the key players in a two track
diplomacy with the LTTE. If the Norwegians were talking at a higher
level, Peiris has also been visiting the Wanni and continuing a
dialogue with LTTE Peace Secretariat leader S. Prabagaran alias
Pulithevan. He showed up at the same news conference to explain
there is only a "working arrangement." That "working
arrangement," is exactly what the JVP is objecting to. What
they keep asking is whether the PA leaders are adopting two-track
diplomacy with the JVP as well as the LTTE.
That
same evening the PA leaders were having a meeting at President's
House. Media Minister Mangala Samaraweera had also been in contact
with the JVP leadership. He was a worried man, being one of the
key players in the formation of the UPFA. Samaraweera hailed Kadirgamar
and told him, "Do you know what you have gone and done?".
Taken aback, the Foreign Minister asked what all that was about.
Samaraweera said he had learnt of the outcome of their discussions
from the JVP.
"They
only came for a briefing, didn't they?" suggested Kadirgamar.
"No" said Samaraweera emphatically. "It was much
more than that". Samaraweera was privy to the fact that the
JVP leaders had asked for a meeting with Kadirgamar that morning.
And it was to tell Kadirgamar that, "it was all over for the
UPFA coalition." |