Why
should we celebrate the forthcoming polls?
Now that the fuss and furore over the date of the next Presidential
poll is over, (ending in scenes in court that were strongly and
quite curiously reminiscent of the Mad Hatter's tea party in Carroll's
inimitable classic), perhaps it is time to focus on what the scheduled
polls actually demand in terms of a credible electoral process.
These fundamentals have now become immediate by reason of the relatively
close date of the poll.
In
reasoning that may seem like the tired rewinding of an old tape,
it is nonetheless imperative to ask as to whether we are really
so blind to the norms of governance to contemplate holding this
election without the establishment of the Constitutional Council
and the Elections Commission?
Where, pray, is this agreement that was supposed to have been almost
reached some weeks back between the Leader of the Opposition and
the current Prime Minister, (both candidates of their respective
political parties for the forthcoming presidential polls), in respect
of the five persons jointly nominated by them to serve on the Council?
Has the Presidential nominee been named? And, what of the nominee
of the minority political parties? Whose default is holding up the
process? Or, (unsurprisingly) is it a collective default? Should
we not call upon the Presidential candidates in particular to declare
their stance on these questions and come to judgement against them
in the alternative?
Despite
some serious flaws in its working as seen during the term of the
previous Constitutional Council, (CC), there is no doubt that its
interventions bring in a measure of control on the single and arbitrary
choice of a President who has been invariably driven by party political
motives when appointments to key public bodies and posts are called
for. Given our dysfunctional democratic functioning), the choice
is between the lesser of the two evils. The immediate establishment
of the CC should be succeeded by the appointment of the Elections
Commission. While it is to the good that the UNP recently, through
public addresses made by some of its frontliners, acknowledged the
need to have the Elections Commission constituted, this by itself,
is not sufficient to lend seriousness to the intentions of the party
unless actual action is evidenced.
Far
more however is required, of course, to ensure the exercise of a
genuine right to franchise than the establishment of these two bodies.
Crucially, we need to see specific provision being made in regard
to the voting rights of tsunami affected internally displaced persons
as well as those displaced by the North-East conflict. Procedures
to enable voting at embassies abroad by migrant workers are also
imperative.
Along
with this, the 17th Amendment itself ought to be strengthened in
several of its provisions, commented upon earlier in previous instances
in this column. Essentially, the Elections Commission or Commissioner
should be vested with punitive powers in regard to abuse of state
resources. Currently such authority is merely exhortatory. The prohibition
should relate to, not only movable or immovable property belonging
to the State or any public corporation but also include misuse of
government officers, whose coerced services for the benefit of one
political party alone has been outlawed in key decisions of the
Supreme Court). Ideally, the prohibition should relate to abuse
of incorporeal interests as well.
Then
again, specific sections of the Presidential Elections Act No 15
of 1981 (as amended) need to come in for further amendment in order
to prevent replication of previous polls where misconduct reigned
high. Similarly flawed provisions exist in other election laws,
including the Parliamentary Elections Act No 1 of 1981, (as amended)
which would also be referred to in this regard since it is unsure
as to whether a parliamentary election would also be held in the
near future.
For
example, Sections 46A of the Presidential Act and the parallel Section
48A of the Parliamentary Act, (which, together with the parallel
Section 46A of the Provincial Councils Act No 2 of 1988, were brought
in by the Elections Special Provisions Act, No 35 of 1988) relates
to the situations where the Elections Commissioner is empowered,
subsequent to receipt of an information by the returning officer
and after making such inquiries as he may deem necessary, to declare
the poll void in respect of disturbances at polling stations.
These
instances should not be confined to instances when it is not possible
to commence the poll at a polling station at the hour fixed for
the commencement of the poll or the poll at such polling station
commences at the hour fixed for the opening of the poll but cannot
be continued until the hour fixed for the closing of the poll or
any of the ballot boxes assigned to the polling station cannot be
delivered to the counting officer.
Election
monitoring groups have long been calling for extended authority
where it is not possible to conduct the poll due to any reason beyond
the control of the presiding officer or as a consequence of the
presiding officer failing to perform his/her functions if one or
more polling agents are chased out during the poll.
Other
defined instances include non-arrival of the polling party at the
polling station due to obstruction on the way, if any stuffing of
ballot papers is forcibly done by unauthorised persons and generally,
if the poll cannot be conducted in a manner that is free of any
improper influence or pressure, where all those entitled to vote
(and no others) are allowed to express their choice as between parties
and candidates who compete on equal terms and where the secrecy
of the ballot is respected.
These
are concerns that have arisen out of substantial election monitoring
experiences as exemplified moreover by a number of judgements of
the Supreme Court on electoral misconduct. Amendment of the relevant
sections therefore remains important.
In
addition, other provisions need to be looked at, including Section
68 of the Presidential Elections Act (and the similarly numbered
provision in the Parliamentary Elections Act. The provision should
be amended to totally prohibit canvassing on election day etc by
any person and not merely in the vicinity of the polling station.
Enhanced punishments should be stipulated for violation therein.
This
week, we saw loud pronouncements from all political parties about
the right to franchise being safeguarded by virtue of the Supreme
Court's decision that the Presidential poll be held this year. While
this is so, such celebrations may perhaps have been more sincere
if we had been successful in bringing about the appropriate environment
of an informed right to vote, including the appointment of an Elections
Commission. There is nary a murmur regarding these issues however
in the opportunistic political climate that prevails.
The
amendments outlined above comprise the merest essentials. A far
more holistic process of amendment is called for if we are serious
about the validity of our election laws. Ensuring that the minimal
amendments are effected is the responsibility of the voters if the
political leaders remain sluggish as they have so obviously been.
Whether
we will get the shifting, faltering and power hungry political leaders
that we deserve this time around as well, remains contingent on
this critical mass of public opinion. Such critical opinion yet
needs to be manifested.
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