Mahinda-CBK
‘war of words’ continues
By Our Political Editor
Even if she said one thing today to deny it tomorrow, or did something
now to say later that "I didn't," former President Chandrika
Bandaranaike Kumaratunga is a fighter. One would have thought she
had given up what has now come to be known as a "national secret"
— her "political guerrilla war" against her successor,
President Percy Mahinda Rajapakse.
She and her brother Anura, it is no longer a piece of top secret
classified information, did not favour a Rajapakse victory at the
November 17 Presidential elections.
Those
charitable to the dynastical duo would only say "they did not
put their best foot forward" and extend their "eternal
blessings" to Rajapakse. Yet, the man from Giruwapattuwa won
despite the legendary Bandaranaikes. He is today the fifth Executive
President of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka. But
Kumaratunga has not given up. Her war with Rajapakse appears to
be hotting up judging by the daily events.
Early
this week, she telephoned the Presidential Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga.
It is only days earlier Rajapakse named him to that top slot in
the country's bureaucracy. She engaged him in a lengthy conversation
and directed that he comes over and meets her. It seemed she had,
like in the days of her presidency, a lot of things to discuss.
They were all related to her.
Weeratunga
said he would have to consult President Rajapakse. Quite rightly
so, for he is the new boss. Rajapakse listened to the conversation
and gathered what was in the offing. His advice -- Weeratunga could
go and meet Kumaratunga in his private capacity. He would not have
his permission to see Kumaratunga as the Secretary to the President.
The President said that would become a habit and he was not in favour
of encouraging it. If she had any business, he felt, it should be
directed to him.
Weeratunga
conveyed that to Kumaratunga. She was not all too pleased and a
war of words ensued. A similar war of words occurred between Rajapakse,
upon his election and Kumaratunga, as reported in this commentary
last week. We publish on Page 2 in this issue, a letter Kumaratunga
has sent The Sunday Times.
The
contents are self explanatory. I would only add that my account
was a true record of events though Kumaratunga appears to be now
incensed over the remarks and cast aspersions on a "reporter"
for it. This is nothing new. Shooting in the dark has been a popular
past time for her. In fact, she had used an old letterhead of hers
to write that letter which gave the title 'The President's Office',
which she's not entitled to do. She must come to terms with the
fact that she's no longer the President, just a former President.
When former President J.R. Jayewardene or former President D.B.
Wijetunga wrote, he would say from the office of "President
Jayewardene or President Wijetunga." That is because the Constitution
allows them to keep the title but not to act as the current serving
president.
The
issues involved a number of requests. Kumaratunga wanted to address
officers of the Army, Navy, Air Force and Police. If they were unable
to be present in uniform, she preferred to ask them to come in civilian
clothes. Rajapakse met the chiefs of the three services and the
Inspector General of Police. One of them was to point out that if
this request was allowed, it was nothing but fair that former President
D.B. Wijetunga too should be permitted if he makes a request. It
was decided to flatly refuse the request since it would set a very
bad precedent. Moreover, it was pointed out that using the event
as a precedent, more demands for such addresses could be made.
Another
request was for more perks —security personnel, facilities
at the new office she has chosen to move in and the residence she
will occupy. During the heated conversation, Weeratunga was to tell
Kumaratunga she had publicly announced that she would give up perks.
This, after the Cabinet under her Presidency decided to donate one
and half acres of State land in Madiwala to her.
The
cost of this land is said to be around Rs 900 million at a modest
estimate. It would be relevant to read the Press Release put out
by Kumaratunga's media unit after this Cabinet meeting. It said:
"President decides to give up perks - Cabinet decides to allocate
land
"The Cabinet of Ministers on Wednesday (24th August) approved
a Cabinet Memorandum presented by Minister Dinesh Gunawardena to
allocate a block of land, one and a half acres (1½) in extent
at Madiwela, to President Kumaratunga to construct her private residence
after retirement from the Presidency in 2006. Her personal funds
will be used for the entire construction.
"President
Kumaratunga had decided to forego her entitlements such as pension,
official residence, maintenance allowances for the residence and
all stipends to meet utility bills such as electricity, water etc.
"The Cabinet of Ministers has noted that President Kumaratunga
had already decided to forego compensation due to her, for the loss
of an eye during an attempt on her life and the political assassination
of her husband Mr Vijaya Kumaratunga.
"The
value of the land to be allocated to President Kumaratunga is insignificant
compared with the entitlements she has given up and also proposes
to forego in the future. The Cabinet of Ministers therefore decided
to allocate the said block of land in lieu of the above."
Despite
that Press Release, Kumaratuanga is spending millions to renovate
her new office -- the former headquarters of the Ranaviru Seva Authority.
She is to move into a Government bungalow though she assured in
the Press Release she would forego all her entitlements. Rajapakse
had already told Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickremanayake to move
into Temple Trees and planned to go to Janadipathi Mandiraya. Though
Kumaratunga declared she would not wait a second more, she is now
planning to move to the late Lakshman Kadirgamar's former official
residence at Wijerama Mawatha.
Kumaratunga
has taken up the position that her security officials are not happy
that she resides at the former Ranaviru office, because people go
for walks in that area, but she doesn't mind using it as her office,
something that drew consternation from the new government.
So,
she is now waiting for the former official residence of the late
Kadirgamar to be prepared for her to move in as her residence. The
upstairs of that house was this week water-logged due to heavy rains
and a leaking roof.
Another
astonishing, if not shocking issue, is how Kumaratunga had signed
cheques to the tune of over Rs 750 million from the President's
Fund for various matters. In the case of a heart patient, payment
for medical treatment abroad, is approved only after a lengthy procedure
where medical reports and other documentations are made available.
But she, as one source said, had dished out millions on various
matters. During a farewell visit to Anuradhapura, she had donated
millions to a local politician for a project there. She had written
a cheque for a very large sum of money for a child related Non Governmental
Organisation where Kumaratunga herself has a stake. On being informed,
Rajapakse immediately ordered stop payment on the cheques. That
was one of the issues Kumaratunga wanted to discuss with Weeratunga
so Rajapakse could be persuaded to allow the cheques to be cashed.
Ironically
this is a case of things working in the reverse for Kumaratunga.
It is she who had tacitly approved a CID probe on Rajapakse's Helping
Hambantota project. It was now Rajapakse's turn to find out how
and why Kumaratunga was helping herself and her favourites. Insiders
say a probe is round the corner.
Another
knotty issue that has developed is Kumaratunga's refusal to nominate
Dallas Allahaperuma to the vacant seat of late Lakshman Kadirgamar
in Parliament. She had written to both Maithripala Sirisena, SLFP
General Secretary and D.M. Jayaratne, PA General Secretary, asking
them not to nominate any person.
When
the issue came to the fore this week, Kumaratunga had denied media
speculation that she wanted to enter Parliament. Her associates
said the vacancy was being kept for Ms. Suganthie Kadirgamar, wife
of the late Foreign Minister, to be nominated to Parliament. But
the latter is not seeking a political career or a seat in Parliament.
The long and short of it is that Rajapakse cannot appoint his man
to Parliament.
But he was able to appoint whom he wanted to the Cabinet. He did
not have to have any By your Leaves from the outgoing President
for this - nor was she consulted.
He
started off on the right note saying that he wanted to prune the
ever-elastic Cabinet from some 40 Ministers to 25. A good start.
So, he summoned the Ministers who served Kumaratunga to Temple Trees
and told them bluntly, what he wanted to do and asked if there were
volunteers to drop out.
He
said he would appoint them State Ministers, bringing back what President
R. Premadasa innovated. Only a few volunteered, Dilan Perera, Felix
Perera, Milroy Fernando, Jeevan Kumaratunga and Tissa Karaliyadde.
Rajapakse was bold enough to do away with separate Ministries for
the different religions in what became just a case of pampering
to religious elements, but then it did not make sense with some
of the other changes he made.
For
instance, he demoted Fisheries, a hugely important Ministry in this
island-nation to a state ministry, but made Fisheries Housing a
Ministry of cabinet-rank. Then, he has a state ministry for Botanical
Gardens, and gave Mangala Samaraweera, his campaign manager the
portfolios of Foreign Affairs, Ports, Aviation and Shipping.
Fitting
into the late Kadirgamar's shoes was bad enough, political analysts
questioned the wisdom of this move. Samaraweera's own lieutenant,
Sripathy Sooriyaratchchi however was sidelined rather rudely being
given the state ministry of Skills Development and Employment Promotion.
He quit the same day saying he didn't understand what the job meant,
but came back the next day, almost to the same portfolio with the
added task of being deputy minister of Plantations.
Meanwhile,
the Night of the Long Knives is happening within the defeated United
National Party as well. Some of those who conspired to oust its
leader Ranil Wickremesinghe are at work.
A
group of MPs gathered at the residence of former Speaker M.H. Mohamed
and decided that they must ask Wickremesinghe to quit the leadership,
and to hand it over to deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya. They had gone
in delegation to meet Wickremesinghe to tell him so.
Their argument had been that the Sinhala-Buddhist vote was lost,
and they attributed this to the defeat of their candidate. The fact
of the matter was that in all the 11 districts President Rajapakse
won, i.e. the essentially Sinhala-Buddhist electorates, the margin
of victory was Rajapakse (55.8%), Wickremesinghe (42.8%).
Wickremesinghe
was going to bridge the 13% gap through the 11 multi-ethnic constituencies
he won, and clearly hoped the vote from the north and the east would
not only have off-set that margin, but easily cleared the hurdle,
an assessment that seemed to be accurate, barring the LTTE robbing
him of the crown eventually.
He
reminded the Mohamed-Ravi Karunanayake-G.L.Peiris-Rajitha Senaratne
led delegation that President D.B. Wijetunga campaigned in 1994
on a Sinhala-Buddhist theme against Chandrika Kumaratunga, and lost
badly. That the Sinhala-Buddhist theme was insufficient to win an
election of this magnitude, and that Rajapakse won purely because
of the LTTE.
Then,
Wickremesinghe said that any decision to resign had to be a voluntary
decision, and that a delegation such as theirs could not impose
it on him. There were his supporters urging him to stay as the leader
arguing that if not for the LTTE boycott, he might have been the
President of the country.
Tomorrow
will be a crucial day for the party and its leadership, and "it
might have been" are said to be the saddest words in the English
language.
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