War
fears, rising oil price haunt economy
The uncertainties and fears expressed in this column last Sunday
have turned into a horrific reality. The bomb explosion within the
army headquarters is a shocking reminder to the country that we
are on the verge of terrible calamities and terrorist bombings.
No
doubt selected targets would include strategic economic targets,
as had been the LTTE's practice before. We may in fact be on the
verge of another period of war as the actions of the LTTE have clearly
indicated that war, not peace, is what it wants.
It
may be a last ditch effort, an action in desperation, a response
to the international actions taken to ban them and make financing
activities in particular difficult or some other internal issue
or their carefully planned strategy to resort to terror acts once
again. Whatever the reasons, war is at our doorstep. The realities
of the emerging situation underscore the economic difficulties we
noted last week to a greater measure.
It
has been the nation's misfortune that we have not had and do not
have a leadership that could tell the plain truth about the economy
that we need sacrifices of "sweat, blood and tears". We
do not have a leadership that can explain that the economy is in
a week and unstable situation that requires unpalatable decisions
that would involve hardships and sacrifices.
Instead we keep harking that exports have grown, the economy has
grown by a fraction above the previous year's growth or that the
economy is faring well considering adverse international economic
developments or natural disasters.
All
these are misleading interpretations of the country's economic performance.
The realities are that the country is living beyond its means, that
the trade deficit is progressively widening to alarming proportions
each successive year, the foreign debt is increasing and, in tandem
with it, the public debt is rising and absorbing a disproportionate
share of government revenue. The budget deficit also keeps escalating
despite assurances that it would be contained while economic reforms
are being postponed. The medium and long-term prospects of rapid
economic growth remain unrealisable under these conditions.
Sri
Lanka's defence expenditure has been much higher than it could afford.
The special circumstances of the civil conflict have been adduced
as making such expenditure imperative.
In
the last three years or so additional expenditure has been contained
owing to the ceasefire. Now that open war is closer than ever, even
irrespective of whether it would happen or not, the preparedness
for it means huge military expenditure with high import content.
Now
once again there is likelihood of increased and sudden increases
in military expenditure. If these additional expenditure amount
to around US$ 1,000 million, a likely prospect, it would be almost
an unbearable burden on the balance of payments and would no doubt
have to be financed by borrowings and deferred payment agreements.
This
means that the foreign debt and public debt would rise to horrendous
proportions making future development expenditure well nigh impossible.
The additional fiscal deficit would destabilise the economy through
the inflationary pressures that it would generate.
Containing
these inflationary pressures through monetary measures means that
tight monetary measures would cripple private sector investment.
So resumption of war would indeed put the country's economy backward.
The growth rate may remain good considering the statistical fact
that war expenditure, however destructive, would add to the country's
economic growth in the same way as graduate employment and public
service salary payments did last year. Fighting a war requires sacrifices.
The additional expenditure has to be borne by the people; economic
hardships are inevitable. At the current levels of the trade deficit
and the escalating oil prices the trade deficit is likely to surpass
last year's record level of US $ 2.4 billion.
The
magnitude of this deficit can be gauged by the fact that this is
more than one half of country's foreign exchange reserves of 4.2
billion at the end of February 2006. The balance of payments deficit
will however be of a much lower magnitude as remittances abroad
and receipts from services and capital inflows could reduce it.
In
fact at the end of February despite a trade deficit the balance
of payments recorded a surplus of about US$ 100 million. There have
been special reasons why the balance of payments turned surplus
last year and into the first few months of this year. Some of these
compensating items could be affected adversely. Tourist earnings
could decline, there could be an outflow from portfolio investments
and inflows for investment would dry up. Inward remittances from
Sri Lankan's abroad that have continued to increase in the first
few months of this year are likely to be the only stable source
of financial inflows.
The
resumption of foreign debt repayments and the repayment of the loans
from Iran and India for last year's petroleum imports on credit
would increase our capital outflows. There could be increased costs
as well that could be serious for the country, such as surcharges
on transport by foreign shipping lines and airlines and insurance
surcharges. All these could further deteriorate the balance of payments,
create pressures on the currency that would lead to a depreciation
of the Rupee and increase import costs further thereby setting in
motion further import-led inflationary pressures.
In
these circumstances we need to act in a prudent and far-sighted
manner. At the crux of the issue in the trade balance is the expenditure
on oil. Since the price of oil is beyond our control, we have to
control the volume of imports. This can be done only through higher
prices to the consumer and an awareness programme of the need for
people to curtail their expenditure on transport and electricity.
These are difficult to achieve but high prices would have an effect
on curtailing expenditure. It is here that there is need for political
courage to face the inevitable unpopularity of higher prices.
An
immediate energy crisis management policy is needed. In addition
there would be a need for the curtailment of other expenditure.
Wasteful and avoidable expenditure must be identified and curtailed.
The lead must be given by reducing the cabinet forthwith to a manageable
number. There may be a need to raise import tariffs on consumer
imports to reduce import expenditure.
The
emerging conditions require the adoption of emergency policy measures
to cope with the crisis. Failure to do so would postpone the problems
and aggravate the economic crisis. The current security crisis may
put the clock back on economic growth unless countervailing measures
are taken to at least mitigate its impact on growth.
|