CBK
won't take hands off SLFP
Crisis in Media Ministry as SLRC and SLBC become
two-headed
With chores related to the State no longer her
concern, former President Chandrika Bandarnaike basked in the summer
sunshine in London this week. She was at Lord’s, the home
of the Marleybourne Cricket Club to watch the first test between
Sri Lanka and England.
Later, she attended a reception by the Sri Lanka
High Commissioner, Kshenuka Seneviratne in honour of our cricketers.
Instead of talking on how the young Lankan lads saved the day by
successfully edging the match to a draw, she was in a corner locked
in deep conversation with former Sri Lanka captain and now parliamentarian,
Arjuna Ranatunga. The latter was by her side even at the grounds.
They were of course talking about a different
game, politics in Sri Lanka. Holiday or no holiday, summer or no
summer, Kumaratunga made it a point to keep tabs of what was going
on in Colombo. More particularly she was focused on keeping her
post as President of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).
It was only a month ago, Foreign Minister Mangala
Samaraweera, her one time close ally saved the post for her. That
was during the annual convention of the SLFP in Maharagama where
a resolution was to be moved to appoint President Mahinda Rajapaksa.
Mr. Samaraweera intervened and wanted the matter taken up when Kumaratunga
returned to Colombo. That was to be in the first week of May but
that week has come and gone. Nothing happened.
Last week SLFP General Secretary, Maithripala
Sirisena had sent Kumaratunga the draft of a resolution the party's
central committee was to adopt. That was to make provision for a
party member who is President of Sri Lanka should also be the President
of the SLFP. Such a person would cease to become President of the
party only when he ceases to function as President of the country.
In effect the aim was to make President Rajapaksa the President
of the SLFP. Upon completion of his tenure as president, thus the
party presidency would fall vacant.
This week when the Central Committee of the party
met, the amendments were to be taken up for discussion. However,
that was not possible. Kumaratunga had responded promptly to Sirisena's
letter and the draft resolution. She had asked him for ten days'
time. Until then she has said that no action should be taken by
the party on the amendments. As a one party high ranker remarked,
it was easy for Rajapaksa to contest the polls and become Executive
President. It was more difficult for him to become the party president
since more and more obstacles were coming his way. He surmised that
Kumaratunga was playing for time on the grounds that soon the party
would have no time to discuss such issues. Rajapaksa would be engrossed
on more burning national issues.
Even if there were no new issues, Rajapaksa undoubtedly
was coping with many issues besides the most crucial one --the Liberation
Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) veering away from the negotiating table
to the battleground. One such issue was in the country's national
television network, Rupavahini.
Last week an official in the Media Ministry summoned
SLRC chairman Newton Gunaratne to his office. There he gave him
bad news - Media and Information Minister Anura Priyadarshana Yapa
had wanted him to hand in his resignation. Gunaratne, earned former
President Chandrika Kumaratunga's ire after being at the forefront
of Rajapaksa's presidential election campaign and for giving prominence
to Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP). That was when he was Chairman
of ITN. He demanded the reason. The official was unable to explain
except to say those were his orders. Gunaratne was to say that he
was appointed by the President and not by the Media Minister.
Gunaratne got in touch with President's Secretary
Lalith Weeratunga and later with MP Dullas Allahapperuma, the shadow
Media Minister. The advice was not to resign. But by then, Gunaratne
had been offered another job -- Director General of the Presidential
Media Unit. But he did not want to part from his present job.
An angry Media Minister Yapa was heard complaining
to his colleagues that Gunaratne did not pay heed to his directives.
Often when he raised issue, the only answer he had got was how he
had dined with President Rajapaksa or that the President had not
wanted something done. Hence, Yapa explained he had also consulted
the President.
To resolve the issue, Rajapaksa met both Yapa
and Gunaratne at a meeting. The latter was there armed with a file
full of letters Yapa had sent recommending persons for appointments
to various slots in the SLRC. Gunaratne had been contending that
if he made those appointments, SLRC would be overstaffed. No issues
were discussed in detail. Rajapaksa used his charm and poise on
both. The meeting ended with Rajapaksa insisting that the Minister
and the Chairman of the SLRC having to work more closely and more
cordially. The latter was to deny any differences. But he was told
that the advice was not because there were such differences. It
was more on the need to ensure a smoother working of the SLRC. That
ended the drama. Gunaratne continues as Chairman of the SLRC.
But there was another surprise move in the SLRC
this week. One time United National Party MP Sarath Kongahage was
appointed to a top slot in the SLRC and the Sri Lanka Broadcasting
Corporation (SLBC). It came with the blessings of President Rajapaksa.
One of the characteristic traits of President
Rajapaksa is showing gratitude to people who have been helping him.
A close presidential aide said Kongahage kept in close touch with
President's Secretary Lalith Weeratunga. He kept him informed of
matters that tended to harm Rajapaksa, because he genuinely liked
him. One such move, the aide said, was a reported attempt by former
President Kumaratunga to have Rajapaksa arrested over the 'Helping
Hambantota' investigation.
In the run-up to the Presidential election, one
of Rajapaksa's major concerns had been whether he, as Prime Minister,
would be arrested by his own President on charges of fraud and misappropriation
of funds collected in the immediate aftermath of the tsunami into
a so-called private fund, 'Helping Hambantota'. That would have
certainly put paid to his chances of becoming the President.
Rajapaksa's camp was alerted to plans that camera
crew were standing by to provide TV coverage if the arrest was to
materialize. On the other hand, SLFP old hands were worried that
UNPers were winning top plums. At first it was Keheliya Rambukwela
who was made defence spokesman over a number of other party faithful.
They say now it is Kongahage and that there are more on the list.
President Rajapaksa also had to apply the brakes
on new legislation which the Government wanted to bring through
the Electricity Reforms Bill. It was to be taken up in Parliament
on Tuesday.
The fact that it would not come up in Parliament
prompted a meeting of party leaders. That was to discuss what other
business should be slotted in. There was a diversion when the issue
of salaries to Prime Minister and other parliamentarians became
the subject of discussion. It was pointed out that the salaries
of the Chief Justice and judges of the superior courts have been
raised. Consequently, there were some disparities in the precedence
table. If the Prime Minister was senior to the Chief Justice in
the precedence table, his salary was lower. A move to raise the
salary of the Prime Minister and MPs was then discussed. It drew
objections from JVP's Wimal Weerawansa. He said it would not be
appropriate at a time when the people were complaining about the
cost of living. Speaker W.J.M. Lokubandara also wanted his dissent
recorded, and a decision reached.
Weerawansa proposed that Parliament sittings on
May 25 (Thursday) should be allotted for a debate on the May 11
attempt by the LTTE to attack the passenger ferry Pearl Cruiser
II in the north eastern deep seas. Weerawansa said that the House
should recognize the bravado of the Navy men who saved the lives
of more than 710 troops in that encounter. Earlier, the day had
been allotted for a condolence vote on the late Joseph Pararajasingham,
TNA MP from the Batticaloa district. This vote has now been moved
to Friday, May 26.
The LTTE attacks at sea on May 11 also became
a subject focused on by Foreign Minister Samaraweera who was on
an official visit to Japan. Samaraweera had changed the title of
a brief speech he was to make at a media conference, to Terrorism,
Peace and Democracy in Sri Lanka. During question time, a journalist
asked him whether it was not the JVP and the JHU that were impediments
to the peace process in Sri Lanka. Samaraweera defended both these
parties, and charged that it was the LTTE. He said they were behaving
like "recalcitrant children".
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Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera meeting
Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Shinzo Abe in Tokyo. AFP |
Samraweera also took part in a joint discussion
with Japan's special envoy to the peace process, Yasushi Akashi
in a TV programme aired by NHK television. At one point Samaraweera
declared that one should not equate the Government of Sri Lanka
with the LTTE. Akashi was to nod in agreement. Later Akashi praised
President Mahinda Rajapaksa as a pragmatic leader who had a genuine
feeling for the country.
"We can only take them to water. We cannot
force them to drink," he said referring to his efforts to get
the Government and the LTTE to the negotiating table.
The focus in the coming days is bound to be the
events that unfold in the European Union with regard to the banning
of the LTTE throughout Europe.
The first salvo was fired soon after the Lakshman
Kadirgamar assassination in August last year, where the LTTE was
slapped with a travel restriction. To show they were smarter, they
insisted that the peace talks that the EU among others were forcing
down their throats, take place in a European city.
The EU, it seems was not amused. The continued
killing of servicemen - 212 since the November Presidential elections,
has taken its toll on the patience of the EU, which will now pursue
the LTTE-fund-raising activities in Europe as a priority.
But a dry wit was to say, that straw that broke
the camel’s back was nothing else but the audacity of the
LTTE to target two Norwegian truce monitors on the Sri Lanka Navy
ships. Now, that was a very bad thing for the LTTE to have done.
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