Political Column

A high priority for President Mahinda Rajapaksa in the past several days was how to prevent a low-intensity Eelam War IV escalating.

Besides intense diplomatic activity behind the scenes, he summoned an All-Party Conference on Friday and urged party leaders to formulate a "framework of proposals for devolution of power." He directed that a Government delegation take part in the Norway sponsored talks next Thursday and Friday in Oslo to discuss the future role of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM). This is in the wake of the European Union ban and the resultant issue of the future role of monitors from member countries Denmark, Finland and Sweden.

The LTTE has declared it would attend the event. As one source in the Wanni said, the LTTE did not want to offend Norway's Minister for International Development Erik Solheim. As for the monitors, their chief negotiator Anton Balasingham told The Sunday Times they are representing the SLMM and not the EU countries. His comments on developments after the EU ban appears on the opposite page. However, the LTTE expects "diplomatic" treatment when its delegation passes through and returns to Colombo after the talks.

The LTTE delegation expects to bypass Customs formalities and be ushered in and out like VIPs. The Government seems to have not much choice. Now that they have refused military helicopters for theatre to theatre transport, an issue that prevented the LTTE from taking part in Geneva II, refusal of "VIP courtesies" would mean no talks with the LTTE in Oslo. The LTTE was also busy with its "agenda" for Oslo. It wants to set out its position vis-à-vis the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration. Last week, LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran's close confidant and Sea Tiger leader Thillaiampalam Sivanesan alias Soosai met SLMM Head Swedish Maj. Gen. Ulf Henriccson at the Sea Tiger base in Mullaitivu. Whoever said Soosai had been sidelined after a feud with his leader Prabhakaran, a story that is periodically revived in the past two years, must surely be disappointed. Here was the man explaining to the SLMM boss, at their own Sea Tiger base, about their role and claims of their rights to use the sea.

Preparations for last Friday's All-Party Conference showed that for President Rajapaksa, all matters could not be left entirely in the hands of trusted officials. Not at a time when the two most commonly used words by Sri Lankans of all walks of life these days are "war" and "peace." If the LTTE was continuing its low-intensity war, prompting limited retaliation from the military, Rajapaksa was otherwise busy trying to pursue "peace." Once more, he found how difficult it was. Not because the LTTE or the political parties in Colombo were rejecting his initiatives. It was because his top officials were making this difficult.

Last week, I revealed in these columns how the Secretary General of the Government Peace Secretariat, Dr. Palitha Kohona told BBC's Sinhala service Sandesaya that President Rajapaksa had ordered the security forces to stop dealing with the Karuna faction. This, he said, was by way of finance, or arms with the renegade faction of the Tamil Tigers. It took President Rajapaksa to set the record right. He told Erik Solheim during talks in Colombo that the Government had no links with the Karuna group.
This week, the same Dr. Kohona was at the centre of another controversy that would have put President Rajapaksa and the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) on a head-on collision course. In fact it led to some tension which was defused only after Rajapaksa intervened personally. It all began after Dr. Kohona wrote on May 30 to JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva inviting them to Friday's All-Party conference. The letter was in Sinhala. Here is an English translation:

"RESOLVING THE NORTH EAST CONFLICT - DISCUSSION TO REACH CONSENSUS AMONG DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL PARTIES

"A discussion among all political parties represented in Parliament will be held at the Presidential Secretariat at 10.00 a.m. on Friday, June 2 2006. The emphasis at this discussion would be setting up a framework to devolve powers in an undivided Sri Lanka.

"I am inviting you on the instructions of His Excellency the President to send your representatives (not more than five) for this discussion.

"Dr. Palitha T.B. Kohona
Secretary General."

The JVP was angry at the letter. Their leaders including Somawansa Amerasinghe, Tilvin Silva, Anura Dissanayake, Wimal Weerawansa were of the view that Dr. Kohona had already decided on the mondality for a settlement - the setting up of a format - and no purpose would be served in the JVP taking part. Hence, they decided not to take part in the APC. Tilvin Silva wrote a letter to President Rajapaksa informing him that the JVP would not attend the All-Party conference. Here is an English translation of the letter sent in Sinhala:

"We have received the invitation by the Secretary General of the Peace Secretariat Dr. Palitha B. Kohona to attend the All-Party Conference at the Presidential Secretariat at 10.00 a.m. on June 2, 2006.

"We believe that you are fully aware of the contents of the letter as it says that the invitation has been extended on your instructions.

"Today (June 1) we have decided not to attend the APC of June 2 and this is to inform you regarding the decision. We wish to detail some of the main reasons for not attending the APC.

"The invitation says the emphasis at this discussion would be setting up a framework to devolve powers in an undivided Sri Lanka. Politically and scientifically we cannot understand the meaning of an undivided country. We emphasize that before the conference you should explain this to us.

"There is also a reference to devolution of powers. What are the powers which would be devolved? To whom will the powers be devolved? For what? To what extent? These should be made clear.

"For the Presidential elections of November 17, 2005 two concepts on devolution of power was placed before the voters. We wish to recall that you mentioned devolving powers within a unitary country and the United National Party said its solution will be based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.

"The Sri Lankan voters elected you approving your proposals. It is clear that the mandate has been given for a unitary Sri Lanka and not for an undivided country. We wish to emphasize on this fact.

"We also wish to emphasize that the policy on resolving Sri Lanka's ethnic issue is clearly explained in the agreement signed between the JVP and you on September 8, 2005. This point, as well as other points, need clearly to be mentioned but in this short letter we do not hope to do that.
"We will be able to attend the APC meeting on June 2, 2006 only if a clear explanation is given on your position as well as the Government's position on the above issues.

"Therefore, according to the letter extending the invitation to us for the APC on June 2, 2006 our party representatives will not be attending the conference."

President Rajapaksa was concerned over the JVP letter. He telephoned General Secretary Tilvin Silva at the JVP office. He said he had not read the letter and conceded that Dr. Kohona, a retired United Nations diplomat who headed the UN Treaty Section, may not have used the right choice of words. Silva said if the invitation letter remained in that format his party would not be in a position to attend the APC. Rajapaksa later spoke to JVP leader Somawansa Amerasinghe who complained that some officials were trying to do things their own way. He said that would reflect very badly on President Rajapaksa and his Government. The President explained that Dr Kohona would not have known the implications.

By this time, Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera had heard of the impasse caused by Dr. Kohona. He telephoned Presidential Secretary Lalith Weeratunga. The latter said another letter was being sent. Samaraweera spoke to Dr. Kohona and was assured a fresh letter was on the way. Tilvin Silva received another letter from Kohona on June 1. Here is an English translation of the Sinhala text:

"ALL PARTY CONFERENCE - JUNE 2 2006

"Further to the letter of May 30, 2006.
"I wish to explain that the discussions of the All Party Conference ofJune 2, 2006 will be on how to develop a framework for the final solution."

That ended a new controversy triggered off by Dr. Kohona. The JVP's politburo met to discuss the issue. A subject of discussion was the series of contradictory statements made by Dr. Kohona and the embarrassment that was being caused to the Government which always expected the JVP to defend them. It was felt that the JVP would informally tell President Rajapaksa to restrain Dr. Kohona since the JVP would find it difficult to defend the Government from controversies created by his remarks regularly to the media on various issues. One member said this was in marked contrast to Dr. Kohona's predecessor, Jayantha Dhanapala who carefully avoided public statements on Government policy.

Dr Kohona who leaves today as leader of the Sri Lanka delegation for Oslo talks will remain in the Norwegian capital for nearly a week. After the two-days talks, he is to remain there until the arrival of Foreign Minister Samaraweera. The latter is making his first official visit to Norway. The Government there has formulated elaborate preparations for a red carpet welcome.

A second letter not only made the JVP attend the APC but prompted its leader Somawansa Amerasinghe to criticize Japan's Special Envoy for the peace process, Yashushi Akashi's proposal to induct UN peace keeping troops in Sri Lanka. However, the Upcountry People's Front representative said his party would welcome UN troops to Sri Lanka. He said they were coming to ensure peace. Deputy Minister A. L. M. Athaullah said LTTE leader Prbhakakaran wanted war whilst the people wanted peace. He said the Government should give Prabhakaran war and the people peace. MEP leader Dinesh Gunawardena also condemned moves to foist UN troops in Sri Lanka.

This week the Sri Lanka Freedom Party Central Committee also met. Though their leader and former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, still holidaying in the United Kingdom, had written to General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena, over the leadership tussle, the issue was not taken up. Instead they discussed moves by at least ten UNP parliamentarians to cross over. It was General Secretary Sirisena who proposed that the party should give President Rajapaksa a free hand over this matter. It was accepted.

Despite the crossover, moves for a Cabinet reshuffle have been put on hold, of all reasons, due to astrological consideration. Highly-placed Government sources say it is now not likely for several weeks until the bad period is over. Even in such an event, contrary to widespread media speculation, the JVP is not expected to join the Government. A high-ranking JVP source told The Sunday Times, "we have not even discussed the issue of joining the Government in the past three to four months. It is true President Rajapaksa has repeatedly extended invitations. We would prefer to remain where we are and continue to extend our support."

The proposed reshuffle was to see the inclusion of new faces, the exclusion of Ministers against whom allegations of corruption have been levelled and the change in portfolios of some.

Enterprise Development Minister, Rohitha Bogollagama, who was at the centre of a controversy after he took his son for a discussion where the Sri Lanka delegation to the Geneva peace talks in February this year was deliberating, is in the news again.

This time it was at a meeting of the Sri Lanka-Japan Joint Business Council in Japan. When a team of some 26 leading Sri Lankan business entrepreneurs led by Mr. Bogollagama met at the Tokyo Chamber of Commerce with leaders of Japanese industry and commerce, also present was the Cabinet Minister's young son. He sat through the entire session. This is despite a request by President Rajapaksa to Cabinet minister not to take the families abroad and have them sit through official functions. This is when ministers travelled on official engagements.

The week's events, like those during President Rajapaksa's six month old presidency, seem to highlight a problem -- the absence of qualified men and women conversant with Mahinda Chinthanaya to help his administration in several spheres. If this is a serious shortcoming, it is made worse by the long and now forgotten delay or reluctance in dealing with those corrupt and inefficient. To the contrary reports speak of some being rewarded with higher positions. These no doubt remain a growing dilemma and will become a large part of the Government's crisis of credibility. And for this President Rajapaksa will have nobody else but himself to blame.