Media rights
and responsibilities cannot be secured by government proxies
These vaguely defined sections carry heavy penalties
if found guilty. Their punitive usage has been somewhat restrained
in the past. However, there is no guarantee that these prohibitions
cannot be made immediately effective if the political and legal
will is present.
The 2002 media law reforms package agreed to by
the United National Front was in many ways, one of the most positive
features evidenced during that short administration.
The drawbacks of that period are now well recorded:
foremost among these were its failures to identify with the problems
of the ordinary people, the repulsively eager subordination of some
of its top rankers to the embassies of the West and its disinclination
to address key questions of democratic governance. These ranged
from failing to take punitive action against corrupt Ministers to
bypassing outstanding allegations of abuse of office by some judicial
officers that had been documented from 1999.
This convenient laissez faire attitude was, of
course, to carry a heavy political price as the UNF found out to
its cost later. The cost of such inaction to the country and its
democratic institutions as a whole was inestimable. But that belongs
to a different discussion.
What we are concerned with here is its enlightened
approach towards media law reform as manifested by the abolition
of the laws of criminal defamation in the Penal Code and in the
Press Council law. Recognition that Sri Lanka needed specific laws
on freedom of information and contempt of court was also an important
development with draft laws emerging during this period.
On the other hand, the long maligned Sri Lanka
Press Council lapsed into an inglorious non-existence during this
time. Its functioning had, in any event, not been particularly distinguished
throughout the past several decades. The Council had been greeted
with severe criticism from the inception of Law No 5 of 1973 by
which it was established. The narrow composition of the Council,
the privileging of the government in terms of appointments to the
Council and the semi-judicial powers of Council members, all of
whom do not necessarily possess legal training, were undoubtedly
serious concerns.
As the decades progressed, these initial concerns
were fully justified as the Press Council evolved into an ineffective
and highly politicised institution that did little to uplift the
standards of the Sri Lankan press. Its abolition had been called
for by the RKW Goonesekere Report on the Reform of Laws on Media
Freedom and Freedom of Expression. Its deficiencies had been highlighted
innumerable times on the floor of Sri Lanka's Parliament.
Its welcome lapsing from 2002 was accompanied
by a strong push towards effective self regulation at the instance
of the media industry. The implementation of the Code of Professional
Practice and the establishing of the Press Complaints Commission
(PCC) were part of these efforts.
The PCC, like all self-regulatory bodies, was
not perfect. Indeed, it possessed many of the flaws that had plagued
the British Press Complaints Commission so far, most particularly,
the lack of effective sanctions against erring newspapers. This
lacunae has been evidenced during its functioning since 2003.Yet,
the argument that the PCC constitutes the infinitely preferable
alternative to a government controlled Press Council is irrefutable
in terms of its practical logic.
This is why the recent move by the current government
to re-activate the Press Council must be viewed with justifiable
alarm. Quite apart from the political nature of the appointments
that must be inevitably made to a re-activated Council, there are
other concerns. It is true that Press Council Amendment Act No 13
of 2002 repealed Section 15 (1)(b) of the Press Council Law, taking
away the power to penalise individuals for criminal defamation.
This, as might be recalled, was an amendment act
passed along with a parallel amendment act to the Penal Code on
the unanimous will of Parliament in 2002 after criminal defamation
provisions were used at the instance of government politicians to
penalise journalists at their whim and fancy.
However, other provisions in the Press Council
Law are still highly problematic. Section 16 of the Law prohibits
the publication of Cabinet decisions, Cabinet documents and selected
defence, fiscal and security matters. Section 16(3) prohibits the
publication of an official secret as defined in the Official Secrets
Act of 1955. This again is a very vague description and catches
up any secret official code, word, countersign or pass word, any
particulars or information relating to a prohibited place or anything
therein.
An official secret has also been defined to mean
any information of any description whatsover relating to any arm
of the armed forces or to any implements of war maintained for use
in the service of the Republic or to any equipment, organisation
or establishment intended to be or capable of being used for the
purposes of the defence of Sri Lanka. Also included is any information
of any description whatsover relating directly or indirectly to
the defences of Sri Lanka.
These vaguely defined sections carry heavy penalties
if found guilty. Their punitive usage has been somewhat restrained
in the past. However, there is no guarantee that these prohibitions
cannot be made immediately effective if the political and legal
will is present.
The draft Freedom of Information law that was
finalised in 2003 proposed that these old pre-colonial terms should
be done away with. Sri Lanka was urged to adopt the legislative
balance now evidenced in the majority of Commonwealth countries
between the need to protect national security and the rights of
citizens. It is a pity that all these efforts are now so demonstrably
in vain.
Then again, Section 15(1) d) of the Press Council
Law prescribes it as an offence to publish any indecent or obscene
statement or matter. Later, "indecent or obscene statement
or matter" is "deemed to be any statement or matter which
is likely to deprave and corrupt persons who may, having regard
to all relevant circumstances, read or see that statement or matter".
Every person who publishes or causes the publication
of such matter in any newspaper, shall be guilty of an offence and
upon conviction, is liable to be punished with a fine not exceeding
five thousand rupees and/or imprisonment of either description not
exceeding two years. This punishment is even more severe than the
punishments prescribed in the Obscene Publications Ordinance.
As a matter of historical interest, it was after
strong representations were made before the Press Commission, appointed
under the Commissions of Inquiry Act (Cap 393) in 1963 by then Governor
General William Gopallawa, that provision relating to the prohibition
of publication of obscene matter was included in the Press Council
Law and obscenity defined thereto. Regardless, these were definitions
appropriate for that period and vastly out of touch with current
reality.
Presently, Sri Lanka's media needs to acknowledge
the heightened need for self-analysis and self-regulation. This
is essential for its establishing as a critical and credible force
in shaping public opinion and securing the right to know.
However, this need cannot be met by the reinvention
of government controlled proxy bodies.
There must be the proper balance struck between
media rights and responsibilities and a return to an enlightened
media law reform process evidenced in 2002. Notwithstanding, if
the present Government persists in the re-activation of the Press
Council with all the inherent flaws in the parent Law, this should
be strongly resisted.
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