How many
deaths will it take for the state to act?
In recent years, some cases have been distinguished
by their specific inhumanity. Among these was the case of a person
arrested for stealing a bunch of plantains. He was beaten so severely
in the Negombo prison that he died. In a case brought by his widow
to court (the second of the decisions where the Court pro-actively
gave relief to the dependants of a person whose death had been caused
by official abuse), it was judicially warned that "assault
on a prisoner by prison officers who are officials of the State
must be considered to be an especially grave form of ill-treatment.
This indicates that the officers concerned have exploited the vulnerability
of the victim."
The death in prison custody of Sunil Perera and
the assault on Gamini Munaweera should not reduced to a statistic
among many others. Both were brought about by negligent police work
(in arresting and detaining two innocent persons over a hoax bomb
call placed to a school in Ratnapura) as well as brutal treatment
by prison guards,
The allegedly culpable guards have apparently
been interdicted but the Government cannot be content that it has
done all that it should do. Neither should it be allowed to rest
easy on that assumption. The problem is far more severe than the
mere interdiction of few officers (who probably may be re-instated
when all the furore has died down). It would be useful, at this
point, to examine particular features of this pervasive pattern
of custodial abuse.
In recent years, some cases have been distinguished
by their specific inhumanity. Among these was the case of a person
arrested for stealing a bunch of plantains. He was beaten so severely
in the Negombo prison that he died.
In a case brought by his widow to court (the second
of the decisions where the Court pro-actively gave relief to the
dependants of a person whose death had been caused by official abuse),
it was judicially warned that "assault on a prisoner by prison
officers who are officials of the State must be considered to be
an especially grave form of ill-treatment. This indicates that the
officers concerned have exploited the vulnerability of the victim."
(see the Wewelage Rani Fernando case in (SC(FR) No 700/2002, SCM
26/07/2004, judgement of Justice Shiranee Bandaranayake with Justices
JAN de Silva and Nihal Jayasinghe agreeing).
Reacting to the treatment meted out to the deceased
which "painted a gruesome picture where a hapless prisoner
was brutally tortured and left alone, tied to an iron door, to draw
his least breath", Court directed the State to pay a sum of
Rs 925,000 while each of the three prison officials was directed
to pay Rs 25,000, amounting to one million in equal shares. This
was a considerable sum awarded as compensation and costs.
One feature of this judgement (as reflected in
some other decisions as well) was the imposing of responsibility
not only upon the officials actually committing the abuse but also
upon their superior officers if the latter was was guilty of culpable
inaction. Here, the Officer in Charge of the Negombo Prison, the
chief jailor and the Superintendent of Prisons, Negombo Prison,
were found liable on the judicial finding that there had been dereliction
of their duties.
Importantly, the judgement was also sent to the
Commissioner of Prisons for necesarry disciplinary action against
the abusive officers. Regardless, there is no record of this direction
having been taken seriously. As in the case of numerous other directions
issued by the Court to the Inspector General of Police (IGP) in
respect of abuse by police officers.
Another such instance was the case of Michael
Anthony Fernando, in this case, sentenced by a bench of the Supreme
Court itself for contempt of court for speaking loudly in pursuing
his fundamental rights application and for filing numerous motions.
Consequent to sentencing, he was taken to prison
and after a few days, suffered extensive assault by prison guards.
At one point, after being brought back from hospital, he was left
to lie near a putrid toilet in the prisons. Thereafter, he was stripped
naked and left to lie near the toilet for a further twenty four
hours. It was only when he began to urinate blood that he was taken
back to hospital and kept under observation. In this case, the victim
did not die though the physical and psychological scars would have
been sufficient for several lifetimes.
Later, he obtained relief from the Geneva based
United Nations Human Rights Committee (UNHRC) against his sentencing
for contempt but the State is currently disputing this finding before
this body contrary to international obligations that it, itself
had incurred previously. That belongs to a different discussion
however.
Yet another well known case concerns the torture
and killing of forty two year old Gerard Mervyn Perera, this time
by police officers. Perera was tortured by the Wattala Police as
a result of being mistaken for being one of the accused persons
in a triple murder. He obtained record compensation from the Court
but one week before the date of the trial under the Torture Act,
at which Perera was due to testify, he was murdered. The case against
the accused police officers (who had also been involved in torturing
him) is pending.
In roundtable discussions held by the Law and
Society Trust in collaboration with the Asian Human Rights Commission
a few years back, a rare meeting took place between victims, rural
and city based activists, and senior officials of the Army and the
police. These discussions were also attended by the then Chairpersons
of the National Human Rights Commisison, the National Police Commission
and several Commissioners. Some perspectives which emerged indicated
the severity of the problems manifested in bringing a measure of
order back to the prisons and the police. Crucially, the creation
of special machinery for the investigation and prosecuting of custodial
abuse remained a priority.
Specifically where our prison structures are concerned,
though addressing the manifold problems of our highly overcrowded
prisons is a complex question, remand prisoners should be kept apart
from from convicted prisoners as a first and imperative step. Though
Sri Lanka's Constitution does not expressly provide for the rights
of detained persons, this is an implicit right that is, in any event,
specifically articulated in Article 10 of the International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which we are subject to
in international law.
ICCPR Article 10(1) mandates all persons deprived
of their liberty to be treated with humanity and with respect for
their inherent dignity. It also states that remand prisoners shall
be kept separated from those convicted and subjected to separate
treatment as appropriate to their status. International jurisprudence
has been unequivocal in upholding these principles.
In his recent report, UN Special Rapporteur on
Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions, Philip Alston concluded
that "the vast majority of custodial deaths in Sri Lanka are
caused not by rogue police but by ordinary officers taking part
in an established routine." He called on government officials
to accept that disrupting this pattern of custodial torture is a
necessary step not only in ensuring the human rights of those arrested
but also of retaining public trust and confidence.
Indeed, if recent case upon case of custodial
abuse is detailed, the space afforded by a newspaper column or for
that matter, a research paper would not be sufficient. The time
is long past where a few officials could be interdicted for the
matter to end there. Instead, the Government should initiate comprehensive
reform of its custodial structures, both in regard to prisons as
well as the police cells.
It is however almost certain that no serious effort
will be taken in that regard. We will be continue to be greeted
with mundane official pronouncements of "effective action"
that ring familar refrains for these many decades. In a context
where the phenomenon of headless bodies are recurring and the atrocities
of war are staring us in the face, unchecked custodial abuse is
yet another facet of the extensive brutalisation of processes of
law and order. This is now an intolerable daily reality for every
Sri Lankan.
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