Govt. in frantic damage control

• President's move angers JVP
• UNP Reformists return to the party

By Our Political Editor

It was a week that saw the international community seeking to avert a continued war and a return to the peace process.

It came first from the Donor Co-chairs of the peace process, the United States, the European Union, Japan and Norway. A statement after a meeting in Washington by their envoys urged both the Government and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) to heed rulings of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) and observe the Ceasefire Agreement. The Government was relieved at the statement. It had expected the worst including trade sanctions. Though European Union representatives had raised the issue during the Washington meeting, it did not, however, materialize.

They also made an appeal to the Government - reopen the A-9 highway, the contentious issue on which the Geneva peace talks on October 28 and 29 collapsed. Joining in to make the same appeal was neighbouring India.

Its Foreign Secretary Shivshankar Menon, one time India's High Commissioner in Sri Lanka, made the appeal on behalf of his Government during talks with President Mahinda Rajapaksa. It came during lengthy talks on Thursday where he covered several important issues related to the peace process and the current military situation in the north and east. It was a precursor to President Rajapaksa's private visit to India. He left yesterday with a large entourage and is expected to hold talks with Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh and other Indian leaders.

The Rajapaksa-Menon talks came amidst widespread speculation in political circles of an important Government decision to be announced after the President's return to Sri Lanka. What the decision remains a secret. But, during his talks with Menon, insiders say, Rajapaksa did express dissatisfaction over Norway's role as a peace facilitator. Nor was he happy with the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) and its dealings in Sri Lanka.

But other important political factors were to emerge during Mr. Menon's visit. Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera, who is now on a personal diplomatic offensive making friends with old enemies, hosted the new Indian Foreign Secretary at lunch. There was a representative gathering including representatives from various political parties. There was, however, one absentee - the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna. If one were to say that was a one off absence, it was not to be. India's acting High Commissioner A. Manickam hosted Mr. Menon at a reception on Thursday night. If all representatives of political parties, not to mention a gamut of others were present, there was none from the JVP. Its leader Somawansa Amerasinghe was abroad. Yet there was no other representative. Have the JVP chosen to keep away from events relating to India? Talk was current in political circles.

Days ahead of the Washington Donor Co-chairs meeting had given the Government the jitters. Foreign Minister Samaraweera went into action meeting individually the Colombo envoys of the grouping to explain the Govenrment's position. He paid glowing tribute to the United States in a speech he made when votes of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs came up for discussion in Parliament during the budget debate. Copies of the speech were promptly faxed to the Sri Lanka Embassy in Washington D.C. and to senior officials in the State Department.

Samaraweera had another task - deal with an impending resolution before the European Union condemning Sri Lanka for human rights violations. He spoke with several EU envoys in Colombo and was also in touch with the Finnish Government. He urged that the issue be delayed. He won assurance that the matter would be put on hold until March next year by the EU. But aides of Samaraweera were infuriated. His Cabinet colleague Mahinda Samarasinghe, an ambitious aspirant to the Foreign Ministry portfolio, had telephoned President Rajapaksa to tell him that things with the EU had been sorted out by him. "Our Minister did all the work but did not think it important to tell the President. But others took the credit," lamented a Samaraweera aide whose task it is to brief "hostile" media of his Minister's actions.

Further damage control of what was to come before the Donor Co-chairs was done by President Rajapaksa himself. On Monday he sat with his two brothers - senior advisor Basil Rajapaksa and Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, among others, to discuss the response. Rajapaksa was there to take part in ceremonies to mark his first year in office and to lay the foundation stone for the second international airport for Sri Lanka in Wirawila. The road from Colombo to Tissamaharama was studded with huge colour photographs of Rajapaksa. Some showed him talking to US President George W. Bush. Others showed him shaking hands with Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Yet others showed him with the proletariat, driving a tractor or meeting people.

It was here that they took a decision to temporarily open the A-9 Muhamalai end of the highway. It was just for once to allow a large convoy to carry vast stocks of food to the Jaffna peninsula. Coupled with that measure was a call Rajapaksa made to Minister Tissa Vitarana, who is spearheading the All-Party talks to formulate proposals to end the ethnic conflict. He was asked to issue a statement to say that political proposals were now ready.

A statement issued by Vitarana on Monday night said, "I am happy to say that the All-Party Representatives Committee which met last night has agreed to several important issues." It was immediately issued to the media. That was in the hope that the donor co chairs who were meeting in Washington DC on Tuesday would take note of the Government's move to expedite the proposals to end the ethnic conflict. But it was to have other repercussions.

The JVP was furious such a statement had been issued. They said a wrong impression was being created that their party had agreed to several important issues when there were no such decision. Parliamentary Group leader Wimal Weerawansa who spoke on the budget debate lambasted Vitarana for issuing the statement. He said the JVP knew nothing about it. The move was to lead to Vitarana telephoning the JVP representative to the All-Party Conference, Dr. Wasantha Bandara. What he told him was shocking. Vitarana said he was sorry about the statement. He had been forced to issue it on the instructions of President Rajapaksa.

Weerawansa was also to cause fears in President Rajapaksa that the JVP would vote against the second reading of the budget. He was so worried that he telephoned UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe to ensure his party members supported the budget and it was not defeated in Parliament. Rajapaksa also asked Dullas Allahapperuma, his confidant to check whether the JVP in fact was going to defeat the budget. By that time Weerawansa had made clear at the end of this speech that despite their reservations the JVP would still vote for the budget.

At the highest levels the Government was also disturbed with reports about the conduct of some SLMM members. One particular cause for concern had been a meeting between SLMM representatives and members of the Karuna faction at a location in the East. The Government had been briefed on the meeting. Though it was for matters relating to the ceasefire, the Government had been told that the meeting appeared to be a move to bring together the two warring factions of the LTTE. However, SLMM sources flatly denied the claims and said they were only acting according to the mandate given to them by the Government and the LTTE.

In the Opposition camp, in what many saw as a storm in a teacup, continued. Here was a group demanding Reforms, and the Party Leader agreeing to reforms. And yet, the Reformists, as they like to be called, going to courts, boycotting conventions, holding separate news conferences and generally making a bit of a din that some independent analysts clearly see different agendas by different people, and a move, by some of them at least, to have the Party Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe replaced.

The reforms themselves are all based on what they call the democratisation of the party, but what they really are, ex-facea is to for nobodys to be somebodys in the Party - five Assistant Secretaries four Vice Chairmen and so on, not any form of democratisation at grassroots level where the party machinery has all but collapsed because the heavyweights are fighting among themselves.

We now go back to the Party's Annual Convention that was held last Sunday. Last ditch attempts to ward off a split over these reforms came to nought when party lawyer Ronald Perera was to meet National Organiser S.B. Dissanayake and finalise what was termed 'Political Principles', the word coined for the resolutions Dissanayake had earlier submitted and were found to be illegally crafted by, of all people, a teacher of law. Dissanayake opted to discard this route and instead go with the rest of the Reformists at the 11th hour to court - to get last Sunday's Convention stopped - a move that fell flat.

So, came Sunday and the big event. So did the rains come down. But while party supporters brave the inclement weather, the political storms prevented most of the Reformists from turning up. The convention was scheduled to start at 10 am. An hour later, a letter turned up at the Party Leader's Office signed by 18 of them saying they would not be attending the convention, which they called was being illegally held.

Among those who signed this letter were Party Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya, Wijeyapala Mendis, P. Dayaratne, S.B. Dissanayake, Rajitha Senaratne etc., A perusal of the signatures was as comic as some of the theatrics that have been going on. On the 2nd page starting with the name of Lakshman Yapa Abeywardene, the designation in Sinhala 'Pa Ma' has been written for 'parlimentru mantri' - or Member of Parliament. Colombo Central's Mohamed Maharoof and Matara's Mahinda Wijesekera have translated the Sinhala initials and written it in English, so it read as M. Maharoof PM, Mahinda Wijesekera PM.

Which MP wouldn't have ambitions of being the PM. Prof. G.L. Peiris has managed to rectify this trend and signed as MP, and the others have then continued to sign as 'Pa Ma'.

Outgoing Chairman Malik Samarawickrama telephoned Jayasuriya and asked why he was not attending the convention. He was told that he heard that organised hoots were in store and that things were being manipulated to humiliate them.

The Reformists would have been in an embarrassing situation, to be present having asked that the convention be cancelled. The bigger worry though was that they would be at the receiving end of heckles and worse still, rotten tomatoes. That morning some posters had appeared in the vicinity of Town Hall where the convention was being held, and neighbouring Kollupitiya saying nasty things about them.

A UNP Organiser for Katana had placed his name on these posters; one of them was aimed directly at Karu Jayasuriya saying "Gampaha kaapu eka Usawith giya" (The man who ruined Gampaha district went to Court too).

But Wickremesinghe was not amused. He had earlier asked his Office to put up cut-outs of Karu Jayasuriya and the incoming Chairman Rukman Senanayake and incoming Secretary Tissa Attanayake along with his own breaking a long time tradition that only the Party Leader's cut-outs should adorn the Party Convention. He also sent instructions that the anti-Reformists posters be brought down.

The printed agenda for the day also had a speech by Karu Jayasuriya listed, believing he would be present. Seats were reserved for all the office-bearers, including Jayasuriya. Wickremesinghe loyalists say that his camp cannot be accused of trying to keep the Reformists from attending the convention.

During the convention, a one-time Deputy Mayor was receiving regular calls on his mobile from the Reformists. They were to get a running commentary of what was happening. It seemed that though not physically present, their heart was still in it. After all, their letter to the Party Leader had the slogan that they were all for the Party, the Country and the People.

Wickremaesinghe was keeping everyone guessing as to whether he would re-appoint Jayasuriya as his Deputy once again. Many close aides were telling him not to do so. It was later learnt that had Jayasuriya turned up, his name would have been proposed. The fact that he did not, gave Wickremesinghe the option to keep the matter in limbo, probably till Jayasuriya fell in line, because the Party Constitution states that the name of the Deputy Leader must be present and ratified at an annual convention.

Which brings up another issue. Can Wickremesinghe still appoint him. He has now called for a special convention 100 days after December 5, but does that constitute an annual convention, though some will argue that the Party Constitution can be amended, even if it means tinkering with the Constitution at every turn.

Hardly had the convention concluded, the Reformists had their own convention in the form of a news conference- the conference they had earlier planned at Hotel Nippon had they won the court case.

The convention had by then passed some of the Dissanayake reforms but in a different shape and form. The Party Leader continues to have control in many of the appointments, and the Working Committee which now comprises some 86 persons, has gone up to 90, not the 100 plus proposed - certainly more than the 50 hand-picked men during the glory days of the Party under the Leadership of J.R. Jayewardene.

Wickremesinghe moved swiftly, needless to say, quite uncharacteristically. He called another emergency Working Committee meeting for Tuesday. The meeting was meant to be to change the names of the signatories - the Party now had a new Chairman, Secretary and a new Treasurer (Tilak Karunaratne) and the 18 bank accounts the Party has - though not with much money in them - had to be informed.

Secretary Attanayake was detailed to go personally to Karu Jayasuriya's house and invite him for the meeting. S.B. Dissanayake had hugged Attanayake startling him for a moment.

Jayasuriya was to ask Attanayake "Mawa askarana liyuma da oya" (is that the letter sacking me from the party?), to which Attanayake responded saying "Mama obathumata hamadama genne subha aranchi ne " (I bring you only good news).

The Reformists who boycotted Sunday's convention were back for the Working Committee meeting on Tuesday under Wickremesinghe's leadership. Karu Jayasuriya, S.B. Dissanayake, G.L. Peiris, Milinda Moragoda, Rajitha Senaratne et al.

John Amaratunga spoke at the meeting about the possibility of settlement being reached between the Reformists and the rest. Attanayake read out the Dissanayake resolutions, some other resolutions that were on the table running contrary to the Dissanayake resolutions, the reports from the three committees headed by Gamini Jayawickrama Perera, Ravi Samaraweera and John Amaratunga.

Wickremesinghe then suggested that all these matters be discussed to a finish once-and-for-all. Three days were to be dedicated for this task, Dec. 5 and Dec. 18 and 19. Decisions reached at this meeting would be put forward to a specially convened Party Convention 100 days thereafter.

Working Committee members were then re-appointed, the only exception being Nimal Weeraratne, the longtime Treasurer who declined re-appointment. Karu Jayasuriya and Malik Samarawickrama were re-appointed to the Working Committee. Names were suggested for newly created posts other than those that have to be ratified by the Convention. Jayawickrama Perera as Senior Vice Chairman, P. Dayaratne and Gamini Lokuge as Vice Chairmen, Bandula Gunawardene as an Assistant Secretary, Ranjith Maddumabanda as Coordinating Secretary etc., all of them being among the 18 Reformists. Ravi Karunanayake who was absent from the meeting was named Secretary, International Affairs.

Karunanayake's name was clearly aimed at sidelining the enfant terrible of the Party, Milinda Moragoda, all these years the key adviser on the subject to Wickremesinghe, and his constant companion when on official foreign tours.

All hands went up for these names - Reformists and all. Only S.B. Dissanayake raised an issue, a clarification to something Attanayake had mentioned.

Three persons not named in these new appointments were Mano Wijeratne, Imtiaz Bakeer Markar and Rajitha Senaratne. Wijeratne then said there maybe some names of 'senior members' who may have been overlooked and suggested that the names be only confirmed on Dec. 5, the date for the next meeting. John Amaratunga, Johnston Fernando and Jayawickrama Perera, however, said they should be ratified straightaway. It was then that Lokuge asked why they cannot make Karu Jayasuriya the Deputy Leader, but it was pointed out that his appointment had to be ratified at an Annual Convention. Dissanayake raised a clarification, but otherwise the Moragodas, Peiris, Senaratnes kept silent.

All hands went up for these names, there were no objections raised, and then Wickremesinghe requested only Gayan Karunathillake to be the Party spokesman henceforth.

Unhappy with the turn of events, the three persons not appointed to any post, Wijeratne, Bakeer Markar and Senaratne held a news conference the next day where they criticised pro-UNP journalists for publishing the names of the newly appointed office-bearers, claiming that they have not been ratified yet.

The UNP saga turned on to some of the journalists, and one of the TV stations even sent an ultimatum to a popular columnist who wrote in our sister paper Lankadeepa that Karu Jayasuriya might have the same fate as onetime SLFP Deputy Leader Maithripala Senanayeke. The veteran SLFP politician broke away from his Leader Sirima Bandaranaike in the mid-1980s and ended his days as just a Governor of the North Central Province. The journalist was asked to choose between the newspaper and the TV station. He is said to have chosen the newspaper.

It would appear that the Reformists were now squabbling among themselves over these appointments. Some of them have accepted new posts, while others have been left out and are thus up in arms. Bandula Gunawardene, one of the Reformists has even been put in charge of the Budget debate.

Later in the week, Rukman Senanayake took his oaths as the new Chairman, flanked by his loyalists, including some of the Reformists like P. Dayaratne, Lokuge, Maddumabanda and Gunawardene.

But from all accounts despite their continued setbacks, and imminent splits among themselves, the Reformists, now more openly led by Jayasuriya, have not quite thrown in the towel. On Monday, before the Working Committee meeting, Jayasuriya went to Kandy to meet the Maha Nayakes to explain his stand within the UNP. There were reports that some of the Reformists were peddling the line that the Wickremesinghe Group was influenced by the 4Js - Johnston (Fernando), Jayalath (Jayawardene), John (Amaratunge) and Joseph (Michael Perera).

Not to be outdone, Malik Samarawickrama and Rukman Senanayake also went to see the Maha Nayakes in Kandy to be told that the senior monks were very happy about the fact that the UNP and the SLFP have come to an MoU to work for the betterment of the country, and that a Senanayake was back in the political leadership.

Jayasuriya himself cleared his room at the Party office, with full media coverage and now Parliament will be informed he is no longer the Party's Deputy Leader which would mean that the room specially made for him there when the UNP was in Government would be shut. There were reports yesterday that his MSD security would be cut down, and those financiers of the Reformists are looking for an office for them to meet the people.

So, while on the one side it would appear that more of the Reformists are coming round and working with the UNP's official leadership, others, isolated by the exercise seem to want to continue with their protracted struggle.

For others, like Moragoda it's 'business as usual'. He's taken off to Norway on business.

Meanwhile, Wickremesinghe leaves for Kolkata (Calcutta) today, a place he's never been to skipping the wedding invitation for Indian Minister Mani Shanker Aiya's daughter's wedding for which President Rajapaksa, former President Chandrika Kumaratunga and thousands of others have been invited in New Delhi.

The next round for the UNP would probably be the Dec. 5 Working Committee meeting, but the Court case that went into the non-cancellation of the Annual Convention is fixed for Dec. 1 (next Friday), and what political developments will take before and after that would be what has to watched.