Political Column - Sunday, December 24, 2006

If the people of Sri Lanka thought that UNESCO, the United Nations agency working for the upliftment of children's education and welfare, as well as the protection of cultural heritages and defence of media freedom worldwide, had spared them of any more of former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, then last week's news that UNESCO had in fact now suspended her proposed consultancy with it must have come as a devastating blow to them.

After a sudden and abrupt end to her reign and her rule last year, Kumaratunga sought self-imposed exile, for the second time in her life, in the United Kingdom. Then, she announced to the world that she had now "accepted responsibilities" as a 'Senior Consultant' with UNESCO, and would be working outside Sri Lanka.

But lo and behold, a fortnight ago, she made a surprise visit to the Bandaranaike pocket borough of Attanagalle, accompanied by her brother, Tourism Minister Anura Bandaranaike and made some startling comments. She was reported as having said, come April next year, her stars would change and she would be bouncing back to the local political stage.

That was a natural give-away to the alert student of politics. If she was going to be working for UNESCO, why should she be talking of politics in Sri Lanka? It was then that the story was out. UNESCO had in fact suspended her, and Kumaratunga opted to keep mum about it.

No sooner the local media published reports of her speech at the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) Attanagalle Balamandalaya (or branch office), officials of that office issued a lengthy explanation cum denial. They said that Kumaratunga never spoke of astrology, and that her brother Anura never said that "this was the beginning of a new political journey" and that he was setting the platform for his sister's re-entry into politics.

Signed by seven SLFP Attanagalle branch officials, neatly type-set on a computer, the letter said that the true facts were as follows:

That the family of the late Prime Minister S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike has held the SLFP branch presidency for 79 years, which is a world record. (Because the SLFP is not 79 years old, they must have meant that the Bandaranaikes have represented the Attanagalle seat in 'Parliament' for 79 years). That Kumaratunga, on her return to Sri Lanka, wanted to meet her partymen from Attanagalle as she used to do, and have a luncheon meeting with them.

They say that Anura Bandaranaike made a brief statement and handed proceedings over to his sister, who spoke for "about 15 minutes", where she said "whatever some leaders may say", she will never leave the party nor the people of Attanagalle.

"But that she was ousted from the party presidency in a low and degrading manner on her very birthday, but that she was willing -- nay, it was her duty, to work for the party at Attanagalle under the leadership of her brother".

That is all she said, states the letter from the branch office-bearers; though, the letter continues to say more.

It says that they had a wonderful time with the former President, and knowing her as someone who has been associated with the politics of Attanagalle and the country for 34 years, they know that she will never make such "foolish" references to her speech that were published in the media.

The sting is in the tail of the letter. Having said that she is someone who has never knowingly abused her office or made mistake during her Presidency, "we know that her participation at the Attanagalle SLFP branch meeting is a problem to those enemies of our party-- and therefore, we would like a clear statement from the party leadership whether this was a mistake on her part".

Then, the letter goes on to make a direct reference to the incumbent Government (of President Mahinda Rajapaksa) asking why no proper security has been given to Kumaratunga, as she has repeatedly complained about threats to her life and stated that the Cabinet of Ministers has suspended security measures that were approved by the previous Cabinet (when she was President).

They have asked why the Government is not providing this security to her for the past 14 months.

They have said that it is because of her love for the country that she is taking part in public life "even if this means that she won't be directly involved in politics".

Finally they tell to those concerned, "Don't entertain unnecessary fears of her. We believe that it is the duty of this Government to allow her to do whatever service she can do in a Nihathamani (humble) way".

To expect the SLFP Attanagalle branch office-bearers to have had the gumption to take on their new party leader, President Mahinda Rajapaksa, telling him what he should do, without some coaxing, would be difficult to believe.

The reaction from Rajapaksa was swift. This week he appointed four coordinating secretaries to the Attanagalle electorate -- A.A. Priyantha Pushpakumara, R.A. Punchihewa, Dr. T.M.S. Tennekoon and A. Chandrika Dushyantha.

He was sending a clear signal to both his party -- and the Bandaranaikes -- that he was the President of the SLFP for the whole country, and that Attanagalle was part of the whole country.

It was not very clear though, whether the SLFP constitution permits the party leader to make such appointments undermining presumably elected office-bearers of the Attanagalle branch. But the message was simple; "I will not allow Attanagalle to be used to undercut me".

On Friday, Kumaratunga issued another media release. The refrain was that newspapers had misquoted her Attanagalle speech, and her lament was that the freedom she gave the media in 1994 has been misused in this case.

But she couldn't resist taking a pot-shot at the incumbent President even in this statement. Explaining what happened at that meeting held at her ancestral house, Horagolla, she said that many people who came for that meeting described the victimization SLFPers at Attanagalle were facing under the "present Government".

Sarcastically she says, "When I was giving up the Presidency, and even thereafter, I have repeatedly told President Rajapaksa that I will not accept any Government post", as if to re-assure him that she is not after his job once again.

Meanwhile, in the green corner, United National Party (UNP) Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe seemed to have the recent party revolt under control. The Reformists, as the group that launched a minor revolt to clip his wings recently liked to be called, were in sixes and sevens, with the key mastermind breaking away and going it alone to see President Rajapaksa in the company of a multi-billionaire business magnate.

This embarrassed some of the Reformists, when it was known that the mastermind, Colombo District MP Milinda Moragoda, was having his own agenda. And going to see the President with this businessman raised questions. "But they (the Reformists) keep shifting the goal-posts," said a Wickremesinghe loyalists suggesting that you could never quell a party revolt when you are in the Opposition and a section is adamant that they get ministerial posts.

Wickremesinghe had been in Washington last week, and meeting US State Department officials to brief them of political events in Sri Lanka, especially the stalled peace process. He had taken with him the four different reports of the controversial Experts Committee that went into the National Question/Northern Insurgency. The reports were the Committee 'A'; Committee 'B'; K.H.J. Wijedasa and M.D.D. Peiris reports - all differing from each other and having thrown President Rajapaksa's efforts at reaching some consensus at reaching a political settlement into total disarray.

The Opposition Leader had stated that these committee reports were however a "starting point" for the Government to begin searching for a political solution to the country's two-decade-long separatist cry. He told the US officials that the UNP would support the Rajapaksa Government in Parliament if the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) backed out of supporting any political solution the Government put before Parliament.

He said the report of Committee 'B' headed by H.L. de Silva PC clearly identified what parts of the Committee 'A' report they opposed, and that the All Party Representative Committee (APRC) could go into these matters without difficulty. The UNP, of course, would abide by the Tokyo Declaration and the Oslo Statement which they view as agreements reached with the LTTE and the International Community when the UNP was in office, and could even reject both Committee 'A' and Committee 'B' reports if they contradicted those agreements.

From Washington, Wickremesinghe asked for a meeting with Rajapaksa. He had already scheduled a meeting with the party's Working Committee for Monday, the day after he was to return to Colombo.

The Working Committee meeting was scheduled to start at 11 am on Monday, but as Wickremesinghe was attending the funeral of former Colombo Deputy Mayor Azad Sally's father, the meeting began 35 minutes later with newly appointed General Secretary Tissa Attanayake reading out the excuses.... "K.N. Choksy (Chikungunya), John Amaratunge (Chikungunya), Joseph-Michael Perera.... Milinda Moragoda"... When the others assembled said "innawa innawa" (present, present).

Moragoda had sent a letter excusing himself, but was present. Then he said that though he was present, he had to leave in 10 minutes, at which point he was roundly heckled "koheda yanne? Ay divurun gannada?" (Where are you leaving to? Is it to take your oaths?). Wickremesinghe wanted Moragoda recorded as 'present, but excused'.

Then, Wickremesinghe got down to business by starting to talk on the MoU between the UNP and the SLFP. For more than an hour he was explaining the nuts and bolts of the MoU, putting some WC members to sleep. Deposed Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya was seen reading a magazine. That was probably exactly what Wickremesinghe wanted as well.

He went into a detailed study of the Experts Committee reports that had been submitted and said that he was going to see President Rajapaksa to discuss the MoU, and to get it moving especially on the peace process, and therefore wanted the approval of the WC to discuss these matters.

Getting annoyed at what looked almost like a classic act of filibustering, former Tourism Minister Gamini Lokuge interjected to say "this is not what we came here to discuss". Lokuge is a Reformist after all.

Wickremesinghe took the opportunity. He told Lokuge, "You are the very ones who are complaining, going to courts, and saying that I am a dictator and I don't consult you in the decisions I take. Now, when I am trying to get your consensus before going and speaking to the President, you are asking me to shut up".

With that, Wickremesinghe went back to the MoU, and this monologue went on even further. Sandwiches, tea and coffee were served as at last the subject of the MoU was exhausted. For most of those who brought in the MoU with the SLFP, it has little attraction now, because it contains no provision for Cabinet posts.

Then, the WC got down to the other matters like the office of the Chairman of the party, and the rules and regulations that govern that post. Some suggested that the Chairman should not be a politician, because they could take undue advantage for themselves, politically at the expense of other party MPs and organisers, some said there was no harm in this.

At this point, the issue of organisers came up, and up sprang Irvin Weerackody, like a phoenix. He went on a tirade against Kotte MP Ravi Karunanayake for poaching in his Maharagama territory.

Weerackody said that while he was abroad, Karunanayake had summoned a UNP Maharagama Balamandalaya meeting and even suggested that they should get themselves another organiser. He said that this was gutter-politics, and not a healthy trend if the UNP was going to permit it.

He said that Karunanayake had come and said that Maharagama needed to be energised. "But", he said, "at the last local council elections, UNP lost Maharagama by 500 votes, while the UNP lost Kotte by 5000 votes. At the Presidential elections, Maharagama recorded the highest percentage increase in votes for the party in the Colombo district, and the 'red fortress' of Maharagama polled 36,000 votes for Ranil Wickremesinghe, while Kotte gave him only 27,000".

"Even 'Holman Peiris' came once, but at least he told me he was coming", Weerackody said to hoots of laughter.

He then posed the question whether it looked more like the need for him (Weerackody) to go to Kotte and energise the party organisation capacity there, than Karunanayake to come to Maharagama poaching for preferential votes for himself.

Joining Weerackody was ex Deputy Finance Minister Bandula Gunawardena, the organiser for neighbouring Homagama who made the same complaint about Karunanayake coming to his electorate when he too was abroad. Karunanayake tried to explain that all this was been done for the benefit of the party in general, but Wickremesinghe cooled proceedings by saying something that sounded like a request to organisers to inform the others if they were to visit their designated turfs.

By now, the Working Committee members were getting tired and wanting to go home for lunch and a siesta. In a matter of minutes, the most important issue from the Reformists point of view -- appointments to the next WC, and the Political Affairs Committee -- was disposed.

They had asked for some 110 members to the WC, but Wickremesinghe said that the conference room at the party headquarters could not accommodate more than 85 members. Kegalle's Mano Wijeratne then asked whether the WC should be appointed to fit the room, or should there be a room to fit the Committee, a comment Wickremesinghe did not take kindly.

Former Mulkirigala MP Ananda Kularatne complained that people like him, and Lal Gamage were going to be political orphans under the new reforms because they had lost their seats but were in full-time politics.

Eventually, the WC was extended from the present 90 to 93, and the all-important Political Affairs Committee was to have 20 (not 25) members, all appointed by the party leader. Thereafter, National Organiser S.B. Dissanayake, one of the Reformists, made a rousing speech saying that Wickremesinghe had been very accommodating now, and that it was the duty of the party to see that the UNP gains power in 2007 under his leadership.

No one raised the issue of the Deputy Leadership for Karu Jayasuriya, and none even raised the issue of a joint letter signed by the Maha Nayakes of Kandy asking that Jayasuriya be so appointed.

The next day, Wickremesinghe, now having quieted down the revolt in his own party went to meet President Rajapaksa who, on the other hand, has to deal with the insurgency at Attanagalle in his own party.