The Presidency

8th November 1998

Sorry attempt at good governance

When Chandrika Kumaratunga took her oaths as the fourth Executive President of Sri Lanka on Saturday, the twelth of November 1994, her personal staff was pondering over one small problem: when will the lady shift from Temple Trees to President's house? How soon should the bags be packed?

That, they were told would not be necessary - the President would stay on at Temple Trees because even if she changed residences, she would be back in Temple Trees in July 1995, when the Executive Presidency would be abolished.

Today, some four years later, Chandrika Kumaratunga is still at Temple Trees.

And this, in some ways sums up the four years of the Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga Presidency: she has been always late and she has failed to keep her promises. But, despite such political tardiness and having to rely on a one vote majority in Parliament, Chandrika Kumaratunga is still the President of Sri Lanka. Four years ago, many would have thought that unlikely.

Chandrika Kumaratunga has certainly come a long way since those days in 1994. Today she is more "street-wise" politically learning on the job as it were, though indeed she's got miles to go in this department.

But, if Chandrika Kumaratunga's plus point has been her ability to survive, the minuses have also steadily accumulated.

If the Kumaratunga Presidency is to be objectively assessed, these minuses must be noted, but they must also be viewed in the perspective of the present political climate.

Kumaratunga's critics will point to the long list of broken promises - the Presidency should have been abolished as far back as in 1995, bread is more than double the promised three-fifty, a media censorship and media harassment, judicial interference, transparency in public tenders and government administration gone by the board, Bribery and Corruption Commission non-functional and an emergency continues, the ethnic war rages on and promised economic development has not materialised except on paper.

Indeed in terms of achievement, the Kumaratunga administration must take the blame for performing under expectations. Here was a Cabinet that was hailed as being "professional". Most notably, there was Lakshman Kadirgamar and G.L. Peiris, plucked out of Colombo's intellectual elite and thrust into the political maelstrom. Then there was also the military man, (then) Colonel Anuruddha Ratwatte. The veterans in Richard Pathirana, Ratnasiri Wickramanayake, Dharmasiri Senanayake and the Young Bucks in Mangala Samaraweera and S.B. Dissanayake.

Today, G.L Peiris has metamorphosed from a brilliant academic into a political animal somewhat naive nevertheless, losing friends in the process, his credibility steadily eroding as he pushes his political package.

Early on in the administration he persuaded his leader the President to sack then Secretary now Governor Central Bank A.S. Jayawardene. He then sacked his Justice Ministry Secretary Dhara Wijethillake. Now he is at odds with his Attorney General Sarath Silva. He does not talk to his own Cabinet colleague Lakshman Kadirgamar, no, not even the normal courtesies. He has antagonised a section of the Maha Sangha, the Opposition, some of the Judiciary and the Bar. And yet, the President can't do without him .

Untiring worker

She obviously finds in him a person who can talk his way through. An indefatigable worker who can produce a document quickly and even a quick fix to a problem but when the temporary plaster is removed the wound still requires surgery.

The Professor had the confidence to have Colombo newspapers called and invited to take pictures of him finalising the Budget the very day the state-run newspapers had a front page picture of her finalising the Budget.

For good measure the Budget proposals that he presented under H.E.'s "bold leadership" had fifty two (52) references to "I" and i.e., the Professor. H.E. must have been "bowled" over by this.

The Colonel has been promoted a General, but the war has claimed more lives than ever and the modern day Sapumal Kumaraya has probably the conquest of Jaffna to show as an achievement.

His much publicised deadlines have elapsed time and again and now provide light humour to Colombo's diplomatic fraternity, who are amused at his appearance on the parade grounds on horseback and sipping champagne amidst the ravages of battle.

This arguably is the biggest problem for the Presidency. Here is a politician who becomes the President on a tidal wave of popular support more on who she is and what she stands for than her track record.

She takes control of what she perceives to be the three most crucial portfolios under her charge - Defence, Finance and Buddha Sasana all three subjects she is not familiar with.

She appoints whom she believes to be two good deputies for Defence and Finance and they have yet to prove their mettle. Only Lakshman Jayakody takes over the Buddha Sasana Ministry and makes it tick.

So, while government propaganda pictures the President going through the Budget and presenting medals to the troops, the fact of the matter is she has relied too heavily on her deputies to deliver the goods.

More so in the defence arena where she had so much trust in her deputy to be away in London on a private visit when the all important Mankulam operation (and Kilinochchi debacle) took place.

Contrast the situation if you like to Margaret Thatcher (who was not even Defence Minister) when the Brits waged war over the Malvina Island.

Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar emerges relatively unscathed from this but his major achievements have been in the international arena and while it has some direct bearing to Sri Lanka especially in its war effort, it has little impact in the day-to-day druggery of life in Sri Lanka.

Possibly the President can look to give him a portfolio closer home because he has proved himself a capable worker but who will handle or muddle foreign affairs then?

The President's favoured right hand men, S.B. Dissanayake and Mangala Samaraweera have had their reputations tainted with scandal - justifiably or not - the former over the Susanthika Jayasinghe controversy and the latter over an alleged credit card scam.

Still others such as Ministers Mahinda Rajapakse and A.H.M Fowzie have acquired a reputation for hard work, but they have often disagreed rather than agreed with Kumaratunga over vital issues probably it's they who are right.

That apart, Kumaratunga never ruled with an iron fist like her predecessors J.R.Jayewardene and Ranasinghe Premadasa, when dealing with partners in her People's Alliance.

The partnership with Srimani Athulathmudali was always destined to be a marriage of convenience and today the relationship is much like estranged spouses awaiting a formal divorce.

Others - the Batty Weerakoons, Thondamans, TULF and Devanandas - frequently disagree with the SLFP on policy matters but their plight is so pathetic that they need the Kumaratunga patronage for political survival. The exception to this rule is M.H.M. Ashraff who runs with the hare and hunts with the hound with consummate ease.

His value at least, fully appreciated by Kumaratunga who has gone the extra mile - at times antagonising Fowzie and other Muslims in the SLFP to please him.

This bending backwards to the SLMC and the Tamil parties to survive in what can be dubbed a Minorities' Government, the President has run the risk of antagonising the Maha Sangha and quite a large segment of the majority Sinhala Buddhists .

Minority issue

She insists that the minorities have been discriminated and she will rectify this. This has only hardened the stance of the others who oppose her devolution package.

It is open to conjecture that had she adopted a different line, one which took a less pro-minority line in public, she may have retained the confidence of many who supported her to high office but now oppose her purely on her devolution package.

Her recent public utterances that only 16 UNP votes prevent her from changing a comma in the Constitution rings hollow in the face of the UNP's offer of those 16 votes and more to change the commas on the Chapter on the Executive Presidency and the abolition of it.

Forced to work with such cocktail of a team, Kumaratunga has had to step in into many shoes. J.R. Jayewardene handed over the Udagama to Premadasa, the Port and the Mahapola to Athulathmudali and the Mahaveli to Gamini Dissanayake.

They each built their own empires and fought with gusto among each other but they all spawned unprecedented economic development that undoubtedly trickled down to the masses.

Sadly Chandrika Kumaratunga doesn't have such empire builders around her. She has become a "do-it-all-by yourself" President.

As such, insiders say Kumaratunga relies heavily on her advisors. A hands-on, Premadasa-style system of governance is not her style. In this respect the President has been let down by the bureaucrats who surround her.

Many of her hand-picked choices - Rajan Asirwatham, Padma Maharajah, Gamini Fonseka, Vashantha Rajah to name just a few - have resigned, unable to work as a team together. The likes of JRJ and Premadasa, in contrast hired and fired as they pleased; people seldom resigned.

The net result af all this is a political, economic and social vacuum of sort. The country exists from one day to another. A free-wheeling administration gets us by . The war in the North and East drags on, economic hardships continue to mount and the country's social problems accumulate especially the crime rate.

This lethargy that has enveloped the nation is shattered periodically by a bomb blast in Colombo, a win by our Cricket team, the frequent bickering between the government and opposition. And the odd political scandal. This scene has been repeated many times over, over the past four years.

With more and more monies channelled to the war, few foreign investments, the Government has to rely more and more on selling the family silver, Telecom, AirLanka, Eppawala, the Port etc.

There is little display of governance except in the rather high handed dealing with the free media and political opponents. Dual standards are aplenty. Pro-PA LSSP demonstrations were thrashed by the Police on May Day, but Pro-PA Samurdhi Niyamakas chosen by the ruling party have taken to the streets demanding their dues without any police intervention.

Many give the President credit for eliminating the fear psychosis of the late eighties and early nineties, though in fairness President D.B.Wijetunga, it was he who first dismantled the state apparatus that was unleashed on political opponents, and this Government has re-introduced it though in a milder form than under President Premadasa.

The public of this country would not otherwise consider themselves as being better off now than they were during UNP rule. Indeed, the JVP slogan "Unuth Ekai" Munuth Ekai" has more than a ring of truth in this respect though it is not they who have faced the brunt of it this time round.

The "feel good factor" is therefore lacking in the Kumaratunga Presidency. Had it been there, Chandrika Kumaratunga would have been a clear winner at the next Presidential Elections as well, just as much the Democratic Party won Congressional polls in the United States despite the peacadallios of President Clinton with Monica Lewinsky, because many believe Clinton's voter-friendly approach despite the odds, in contrast to the agro approach of the Sri Lankan President.

In the absence of such positive sentiments, what are the encouraging signs for Chandrika Kumaratunga who must call for a Presidential Election in two years time and might call for one early next year?

It is a sad reflection of our times that consolation for Kumaratunga comes not from her own ranks but from the major Opposition party, the UNP.

In this respect, the President's ally -if it can be so called- is the UNP which still has a lot to learn about the hard life in the Opposition.

Party disarray

Fragmentation of parties while in the Opposition is nothing new to the local political scenario.

It is easy for party members to rally around a party leader governing the country but they do not heed the call of an Opposition leader so readily. And Ranil Wickremesinghe is learning that the hard way.

When one recalls the divisions within the SLFP in the eighties and even in the early nineties, the transition that the UNP is now going though seems trivial in comparision. Yet, Ranil Wickremesinghe has a lot to learn from his mentor J.R. Jayewardene in this respect.

It will be recalled that JR never resorted to the tactic of making life with the UNP miserable for those who challenged his authority before he really took charage - E. L. Senanayake, Gamani Jayasuriya, Montague Jayawickrama, even R. Premadasa. Instead he made them ministers.

He also had chosen favourites - Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake and yes, Ranil Wickremesinghe - whom he tried to promote over and above the others. Finally they were all loyal to JR and JR alone.

If Ranil Wickremasinghe can come to terms with this when he deals with the next generation of UNPers who are challenging his authority - the Coorays the Premadasa and Dissanayake siblings, the Mendises and others - he would do well. Or else, he could be Opposition leader for a long, long time.

But that must be the least of President Kumaratunge's problems. That, in fact must be the only silver lining in the dark skies of Kumaragunga's political horizon.

So far, Kumaratunga has been lucky, she was one who was at the right place at the right time. From being a political exile in London, she became the President in just eighteen months. Four years ago she held the promise and charisma that united a SLFP still recovering from the hangover of an ailing Mrs. Bandaranaike and the sudden departure of Anura Bandaranaike.

For some she was a fresh face, as against a corrupt UNP and an incompetent SLFP. For others she reminded them of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. Yet others saw in her a Messiah for the ethnic crisis. For hardcore SLFPers she was the daughter of two Prime Ministers and no less suitable than Anura to lead the country. Whatever the reason they all voted for her.

Four years on, most of such sentiments have been diluted as people get back to the business of fighting for a living. But even now most of them would not doubt Chandrika Kumaratunga's sincerity.

But the big question is, does Chandika Kumaratunga have the commitment, and competent people to translate her sincerity of purpose and her ideals of yesteryear into tangible results? Judging from her four years, perhaps not, has she herself become hard as nails and suspecting a UNPer under every bush?

Does that then mean that a re-election for Chandrika Kumaratunga is likely two years from now? Two years even two weeks is a long time in politics.

Certainly, daddy's little girl in pigtails who bullied albeit gently her kid brother at Temple Trees forty years ago has come a long way since then to return to Temple Trees. One might say that she is still doing just that bullying her kid brother from Temple Trees. But those are the intricacies that make up the Sri Lankan politics

As Chandrika Kumaratunga now embarks on the last lap of her first term Presidency, one is reminded of the words of that great British Prime Minister Winston Churchill addressing US President Roosevelt in 1941 "give us the tools and we will finish the job".

President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga, we are sure, wants to finish the job. But from her present team, she may just not find the correct tools. And two years from now, the voters of Sri Lanka wouldn't want to be told that the job is not finished or indeed, at a decisive moment.

Right of reply

M.G. Wenceslaus, Managing Director, Express Newspapers Ltd. says: “The Situation Report of 2nd Aug. ’98, with the bold title ”The truth may hurt, but it is the truth” was in respect of the suspects from Express Newspapers (Cey) Ltd. of whom only two are staffers. They are still under detention having filed Fundamental Rights cases. The other suspect is a correspondent of Express Newspapers (Cey) Ltd. and is therefore not a staffer. The number of suspects employed by Express New-spapers(Cey) Ltd. was and is only two and not three as quoted in your article. I regret very much that you have given a picture which has been misunderstood and also possibly given a wrong impression to the general public with regard to my statement”. Editor’s Note: We hold Express Newspapers (Cey) Ltd. and its publisher Mr.Wenceslaus with whom we have always enjoyed the most cordial relations in high esteem. Causing him any pain of mind was furthest from our thoughts and we express our sincere regrets if we have done so.

Fifth Column

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