Letters to the Editor

Censorship: Let it not affect brave troops

Anyhow on the ground, the LTTE is aware of the disposition of government troops. 

I think the most important things to suppress and censor are the future intentions, plans and specific locations of Headquarters and units. What has happened in the past or news on what has already taken place should be allowed.

Details of whatever material and equipment that have been taken away by the LTTE need to be given out to the public. They must know. The figures of those killed in action (KIA), wounded in action (WIA) and missing in action (MIA), I think need not be divulged but a sentence like this, " The Army /Navy/Air Force have informed/would be informing the next of kin of those KIA/WIA/MIA" or something to that effect may be adequate. However, if the services do not do this like a prayer without any delay, then the poor next of kin would be in a dilemma if these details are prevented from being put out through the media. 

On the other hand when government troops have some success, the details are given out officially. Then we have a conflict with the original policy. 

Therefore, I suggest that the government and the military meet the editors of all newspapers and work out the details to the satisfaction of both parties, very rationally, so that our brave troops on the ground, air and sea are not affected. 

Col.G.Balasuriya 
Kohuwela

From brainchild to 22-year-old adult!

In the run-up to the 1994 General Election the Executive Presidency became anathema to the PA. In the Presidential hustings that soon followed, a solemn undertaking was given that this much maligned post would be abolished by July 15, 1995. Having won the Presidency comfortably, the abolition pledge however, was put on the back-burner, on flimsy excuses - a blatant exercise in political skulduggery.

Now, after five years, a fresh term is sought by the President. This time, not only to scrap the Presidency and bring about a new Constitution, but also to end the war by winning a two-thirds majority. Going by the PA track record of keeping promises, the rationale of this gambit too is obvious - fool the masses, win and stay in power.

Despite criticisms, the Presidential system has stood intact for 22 years and present indications are that it will go on and outlive even the Soulbury Constitution which had a lifespan of 24 years, from 1947-1971. One cannot deny its appeal to the minorities and small political parties as they enjoy better representation under the PR than under the first-past-the post system. The 1978 constitution contains explicit provisions on fundamental rights which are now justiciable. This far-reaching provision has enhanced individual freedoms which were denied in the 1972 Constitution by the state interest clause.

The present Constitution with its outstanding features is a synthesis of many systems fashioned by the man who strode the political stage of this country like a colossus from 1940, till he relinquished the reins of the Presidency in 1988. All his political experience, his wisdom and foresight (to his detractors, Machiavellian cunning) have gone to temper this system.

Presidents and governments may come and go, but the Presidential system is destined to continue. The most that can happen would be some tinkering with it, but its main features would remain as a lasting tribute to the late J.R. Jayewardene, its founding father. JRJ, if he were living today, would have had the last laugh, savouring the political scenario, witnessing events as they unfold, exactly the way he had envisaged and his handiwork, serving both friend and foe - the real test of its utility.

D.J. Sirimanne
Matale

Needed: Prudential Commission on Defence Budget

Therefore, the use of agents and representatives resulting in commissions, fees and referrals is considered legitimate marketing strategy. Given this scenario, it places the under-paid military officials in developing countries in key decision making positions that give an advantage to such agents and representatives. It also creates the opportunity for irregular and corrupt practices in the procurement of military hardware.

It is not possible to change the marketing strategies of the global defence industry, but without accepting such parasites and corruption as a norm, we can develop a mechanism to minimise the opportunities for corruption. A Prudential Commission on the Defence Budget (PCDB) could be set up to function independently under the sole authority of Parliament. The commission could consist of a number of retired judges or public servants. It would be irrational to expect such a body to evaluate defence requirements, without any military specialisation.

Therefore, the mandate of the PCDB would be to scrutinise the tender procedures in military procurement. This is not a foolproof system, but a deterrence mechanism to reduce corruption. The commission should also have the authority to investigate alleged breaches of tender procedure and institute criminal proceedings.

While many young men have sacrificed their lives in the cause of the war effort, many others pay dearly in taxes and duties to the government. Therefore, it is not a mere procedural requirement but an obligation to the people that public funds are accounted for.

Shanaka Jayasekara
Brisbane, Australia

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