|  UNP
              went into the Wanni and brought a haloThe speed with which the PA lost the moral
 
  high ground
              to the UNP is amazing. But, today, it has become easy for the entire
              power elite to support the UNP. This has placed them in a jolly
              comfortable position indeed. 
  But, this was
              not always the case. In the Jayewardene era, post 77, the power
              elite - which included everybody who was a hard nosed capitalist
              or an eager entrepreneur, and everybody who wanted to keep the power
              of the owning classes intact - was happy to have the new UNP regime
              in power. Specially a UNP regime which was dismantling the state
              controlled economy and installing in its place a liberalized economy
              in which the private sector was to be the (rather absurdly called)
              "engine of growth.''
 But the elite's
              dream of a UNP monopoly on power and of uninterrupted one party
              rule, buttressed by an unstoppable economy - a Singapore in repeat
              - - was shattered by the tendency of the UNP to constantly reach
              for the moral low ground. Starting from the attack on Sarachchandra,
              and applying the doctrine of brute force introduced by JR Jayewardene,
              the UNP was sliding gradually into the status of "political
              entity untouchabale''. In short, the UNP was becoming an embarrassment
              even to the sort of diehard business classes that wanted a rightwing
              capitalist elite firmly ensconced in power. 
  The rest is
              history. The UNP began to symbolize the post independence moral
              nadir - the party was becoming an embarrassment even to those who
              supported it often without many moral scruples. The PA came to power
              in 1994 almost entirely due to the fact that the party captured
              the moral high ground and pressed home the advantage. This was despite
              the fact that the economy was performing quite well, at least to
              the satisfaction of the business elite and their employees. 
  It seemed that
              the only thing the PA had to do to be in power after that was to
              cling on to the moral high ground. This is what the President tried
              in fact to do for most of the PA's two terms in government. The
              UNP on the other hand was almost totally blackened and blighted
              by its notoriously unorthodox hold on power for 17 years, that it
              appeared the UNP would never make a comeback. But, when the
              PA went to war, after a brief dalliance with peace trying to talk
              to Velupillai Prabhakaran, the UNP sneaked into the moral high ground.
              First, it appeared to be a mere journey into the Wanni jungles to
              get acquainted with the other side. But eventually the PA saw it
              as the worst form of political expediency.
  But, whether
              Ranil Wickremesinghe and his UNP was sincere or not in the bid for
              negotiations with the LTTE, what happened was that it enabled the
              UNP to recapture "moral authority''. Not forgetting that this
              was of course the moral authority largely in the eyes of the power
              elite. But, this was what mattered. If the power elite saw that
              the UNP has been redeemed from its pariah status earned by 17 years
              of political debauchery, then of course, the UNP was ready for power.
  Today the UNP
              is still occupying that moral high turf, and basking in it. It would
              have been funny had it not concerned matters of such tremendous
              import. It is funny anyway. Journalists who were with the PA and
              supported the PA to a man almost, in the ouster of the UNP, now
              cheer, albeit in solemn tones for the UNP, because it is the party
              that "represents the moral compulsion towards negotiations''.
              
  The NGOs support
              the UNP because the UNP is the "only honourable party which
              is willing to talk to the Tigers in a bid to settle the national
              issue.'' The business classes support the UNP because it is the
              "only party that listened to the clamour for a political settlement.''
              When all these people see in the UNP the exemplar of political morality,
              the masses of course will follow, and reward the UNP for the fact
              that the party is seen to be so eminently doing the right thing.
              Bala Thampoe, old union war horse who has still not lost any of
              his caustic ill-humour, said it best when he told a group of unionist
              seminar goers recently that "if the UNP won on a mandate of
              peace they deserve it because the other side missed the opportunity.''
  It may be another
              matter that the UNP always fitted in with this role of "being
              in accommodation with the minorities.'' Writing about political
              reality of the post 56 decade, K. M. De Silva states "the primary
              feature of the new balance of forces has been the acceptance of
              the predominance of the Sinhalese and the Buddhists within the Sri
              Lankan polity, and as a corollary of this a sharp decline in the
              status of the ethnic and religious minorities. Neither the UNP nor
              the Marxist left was entirely happy with this situation, but political
              prudence required them to refrain from any public repudiation of
              at least the first part of the arrangement.'' ( "Reaping the
              Whirlwind'', Penguin books.) 
  When the PA
              was attempting to accommodate the LTTE, it looked like a bit of
              play-acting. How can this party (the SLFP) which brought about the
              "predominance of Sinhalese and Buddhist within the Sri Lankan
              polity'' morph into the party that - even with time - brought Prabhakaran
              into the fold? 
  In this way,
              the UNP has come a full circle, and after launching the war against
              the Tiger first, the UNP has now somehow captured the moral highground
              among the elite who define the politics of the day by striking a
              more minority-friendly posture than the opposing PA.
  This has of
              course made it easier for the entire power elite, particularly the
              land-owning and entrepreneurial classes to support the UNP without
              having to muster an excuse for it. If war doesn't breakout and cataclysm
              doesn't follow, it is a happy situation for the economy of course.
              If those "captains of industry'' can make the economy grow
              without any political instability, then the UNP would have struck
              a perfect balance in keeping industry running while not having the
              masses rising up in revolt.
  Doesn't seem
              very peculiar then that the PA cannot do anything these days to
              ignite mass support. Nalin de Silva says the SLFP must be made the
              party of the Sinhalese. Seems like this is what the SLFP wants to
              do now. But how can this be done, when the minorities decide who
              forms the government in these curious times, in which even the UNP
              has acquired a halo?   |