When
should information be 'chilled'?
By Kishali Pinto Jayawardena
The questions appear to be uncomplicated; if you have an
individual who possesses information which is of crucial interest
to the public but who can divulge that information to the newspapers
only on grounds of anonymity, should such anonymity be respected?
Would such
an individual deserve even greater protection if he or she happened
to be working within a particular organisation and wanted to disclose
information relating to that organisation itself?
Where such
information relates to financial matters, should the degree of protection
be enhanced yet again?
None of these
questions can however lay claim to simple answers. Courts in most
countries have weighed immunity for individuals who 'blow the whistle'
on organisations or newspapers which publish such information in
the scales against other interests such as the interests of justice
or national security or the prevention of disorder or crime.
Many countries
have, indeed, gone on to enact provisions giving specific protection
to whistleblowers, without whom, it is conceded, newspapers would
find it hard if not impossible to pass on information to the public.
This privilege
has again, naturally enough, been made subject to defined exceptions
that appear to provide for disclosure only in the most extreme of
cases. The balancing of the scales has not, however, been rendered
any the easier.
This is well
seen a week back in the refusal by the House of Lords, Britain's
highest tribunal on appeal, to protect the confidentiality of an
anonymous source who leaked information to the newspapers on a proposed
take over bid of one company by another.
The July 10th
ruling has led to a furore in the British press, re-agitating questions
relating to the protection of journalistic sources, particularly
where financial transactions are involved.
The ruling,
which most certainly will be taken on appeal beyond Britain, to
the Strasbourg based European Court of Human Rights, is of particular
interest for Sri Lanka, poised as it is, on the brink of enacting
a Freedom of Information Act with specific protection for whistleblowers.
The British
law lords refused to reverse a previous judicial ruling that ordered
five frontline media organisations, the Guardian, the Financial
Times, the Independent and Reuters news agency to hand over documents
leaked to the newspapers by an anonymous source with regard to a
proposed takeover bid of South African Breweries by Interbrew, a
Belgian brewer.
The publishing
of the document led to the falling of Interbrew's shares by 7.5
percent while the shares of the South African Breweries jumped 8%.
The court ordered the newspapers to release the document (which
may reveal the name of the source) to Interbrew in order that the
company could sue the leaker for breach of confidence.
The ruling
has attracted widespread attention, particularly in the view of
the spectacular collapse of highflying corporations such as Enron
in recent times in the United States, leading to calls for stricter
monitoring of financial institutions across the world. British newspapers
argue however that so long as sources who reveal information about
the affairs of large publicly listed companies fear the stripping
of their anonymity by judicial order, the part that the press can
play in exposing financial accountability will necessarily be limited.
In a leader appropriately titled "Muzzled and puzzled",
the Guardian last week strongly critiqued the law lords decision,
pointing out that it will lead to newspaper watchdogs having no
teeth and no bark.
The four media
organisations adversely affected by the recent ruling are expected
to appeal to the European Court. Their appeal will be spurred by
the more 'source protective' approach taken by the European Court
in the past in similar situations. Thus, the Court upheld in 1996,
the right of a trainee journalist to refuse to disclose the name
of an employee who had given him information regarding the company's
financial situation. (Goodwin v United Kingdom) The House of Lords
had earlier ordered disclosure so that the company could unmask
the employee for disloyalty and possibly take legal action against
the latter.
The reasoning
of the European Court in Goodwin's case follows previous opinions
by the Court that journalists should have a particular licence to
disseminate information, based not only on views expressed by themselves
but also by others.
Where a state
takes up the position that "duties and responsibilities"
restricted an individual's exercise of the right to impart information,
the Court has preferred the view that any individual, an employee,
a civil servant or a journalist who has access to information of
great importance has a right to disseminate that information, overriding
the concern of the state that the information should be kept secret.
This is particularly
so where there is overwhelming public indignation regarding a particular
issue as for example, wide scale governmental or financial corruption.
Thus, limitations on the confidentiality of journalistic sources
have undergone the most careful scrutiny by the Court.
In Sri Lanka,
the proposed Freedom of Information Act, which is one of the plethora
of draft Acts that will be presented to Parliament shortly, has
specific provision with regard to protection of whistleblowers in
sections twenty three and twenty four.
These provisions
stipulate that no one may be subject to any legal, administrative
or employment related sanction, regardless of any breach of a legal
or employment obligation, for releasing information on wrongdoing,
or that which would disclose a serious threat to health, public
safety or the environment, as long as they acted in good faith and
in the reasonable belief that the information was substantially
true and disclosed evidence of wrongdoing or a serious threat to
health, safety or the environment.
It is further
provided that for the purposes of the previous section, wrongdoing
includes the commission of a criminal offence, failure to comply
with a legal obligation, a miscarriage of justice, corruption or
dishonesty, or serious maladministration regarding a public authority.
The Draft Act
also provides that no one shall be subject to civil or criminal
action, or any employment detriment, for anything done in good faith
in the exercise, performance or purported performance of any power
or duty in terms of this Act, as long as they acted reasonably and
in good faith.
These are fairly
comprehensive statutory provisions that attempt to work out a measure
of protection for whistleblowers and should be complemented by parallel
provisions relating to the protection of journalistic sources in
contempt of court legislation.
Despite such
legislation, we cannot but expect an equally tense balancing of
the competing rights involved regarding the 'chilling' of information
as the United Kingdom is presently experiencing.
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