The
art of parallel government: case study
With no sign of a date for peace talks in Thailand,
events on the ground move on inexorably. In general terms, the LTTE
continues to consolidate its position, tightening its grasp over the
population in Jaffna and the so-called 'cleared' areas of the east.
Systems of parallel administration are steadily being installed by
the LTTE to handle civil affairs and taxation, replacing the kachcheri
and, in due course, they will be supplemented by judicial and police
systems.
There are,
of course, precedents elsewhere for establishing parallel systems
of governance, with a view to ultimately replacing the state structure.
In Kosovo, repression by the Serbs of the majority Kosovar population
brought parallel, covert social services like health and education.
Although the local population did contribute funds voluntarily,
there was never a sophisticated parallel bureaucracy. During Eritrea's
long war against Ethiopia, civil society was willingly organised
to resist the occupying enemy. However, the LTTE's imposition of
taxes and fundraising does not meet with universal enthusiasm amongst
the populace. The current stage of development of parallel structures
by the LTTE seems to me rather similar to the hold exercised by
the rebels in the northeast Indian state of Manipur.
Manipur is
the furthest flung, easternmost outpost of India pressed hard up
against the border with Myanmar. This is not the India of ancient
golden temples, royal palaces or teeming metropolises like Delhi,
Bombay or Calcutta. It is remote and quite unlike the rest of India.
Some constitutional
authorities believe that since the British never annexed Manipur
with, in 1891, the Crown having "graciously assented to the
re-establishment of native rule under an Asiatic Sovereign",
the state remained independent until paramountcy lapsed with Indian
independence. It was merged with India in October 1949 but as this
was effected under duress - with the Maharaja held incommunicado
in neighbouring Meghalaya - many people in Manipur believe to this
day it was not a legal act.
Manipur soon
became a thorn in the side of Delhi. Dissidence turned to insurgency
as a communist Manipur Red Guard set up headquarters in neighbouring
Burma. Youth began to hark back to a lost, indigenous glory: to
the use of their ancient Sanskrit language, ancient festivals and
the old calendar. The United National Liberation Front was established
in 1964. In the 1970s the UNLF was joined by other increasingly
militant movements.
It is believed
some of the rebel training camps in Myanmar have been run by the
LTTE. From Myanmar, the running of weapons and drugs are inextricably
entwined activities. Highway 39, historically known as the Indo-Burmese
Highway, is a major route for heroin originating in the Golden Triangle
much further to the south east. As the Thai army sealed its borders,
and discouraged drugs smugglers with a no-nonsense on-the-spot execution
policy, heroin took the longer route northwest into Manipur, entering
around the border town of Moreh where, not entirely coincidentally,
there is a Tamil population of around 17,000 people - obedient to
LTTE control.
Today, a parallel
government exists - underground - alongside that from Delhi.
This parallel
government is extensively acknowledged if not openly supported.
Virtually all businesses, and any person in regular employment,
is approached by a representative of the parallel government for
a financial contribution - usually between 5 and 10% of their income.
A middle class professional explained to me, "It is not practical
to say no. We don't know what the money is actually used for."
At night, armed men will not only collect the cash but 'borrow'
cars. "We have to lend them. Sometimes they return them, sometimes
not. But nobody complains about that . . .". Although some
people are sympathetic to the concept of self-government, business
people are unhappy that the uncertainty caused by the existence
of a parallel government is discouraging investment. Many disputes
- especially relating to farming and land - are increasingly being
resolved in so-called People's Courts rather than through official
channels.
All of which
sounds rather similar to what is happening in this country today.
Of course, the LTTE has gone further than the Manipur Liberation
Front. A few weeks ago it had the temerity to publicly announce
its own rates of taxation on more than 100 items at a press conference
in Pallai. Even the generous provisions of the MOU did not allow
for such a direct challenge to the state of Sri Lanka.
Similarly,
the avowed intention of the LTTE to open police stations for its
Eelam Police Force in Trincomalee and Batticaloa, and to introduce
the Eelam Criminal Procedure Code throughout the areas claimed as
part of the putative State of Tamil Eelam, remains a dream for the
Manipur rebels.
In Manipur,
the state has not ceded control of the situation to the rebels.
With its slogan of 'Unity through Diversity', the Indian state is
determined to hold its many and various peoples together lest the
whole state split asunder. Here the scenario, it seems to me, is
rather different. A group of unreformed terrorists are in the process
of taking over all civil and political affairs in more than a third
of the country. This is being undertaken quite openly rather covertly.
Being charitable, one might regard it as impertinent. But a rather
more realistic view would seem to suggest that these are but carefully
laid stepping stones on the path to a separate state.
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