Watergate
scenario looms
Internal squabbles among party seniors appear to be the order
of the day for the main
opposition SLFP since its defeat at the December 2001 elections.
The latest
dispute that threatens to divide the party right down the middle
centres around former Minister A. H. M. Fowzie. Fearing a move to
suspend him from the party, Mr. Fowzie has taken pre-emptive action.
He filed a case in the Colombo District Court and has obtained interim
relief, thus preventing the leadership from taking any disciplinary
action against him.
Mr. Fowzie,
a one-time UNP mayor of Colombo, crossed over to the SLFP in the
1970s with the backing of the then powerful minister, Felix R. Dias
Bandaranaike. Thus he became the first SLFP mayor of Colombo, but
he earned the wrath of the then UNP hierarchy. A year after the
UNP was swept to power with a historic landslide majority in 1977,
Mr. Fowzie was one of those SLFPers who were hauled before a special
presidential commission of inquiry on charges of misuse of power.
Other SLFPers who faced the commission were Sirima Bandaranaike,
Felix Dias Bandaranaike and Hector Kobbekaduwa. The Commission exonerated
Mr. Kobbekaduwa but recommended civic disabilities for others for
seven years.
After his cross
over to the SLFP, Mr. Fowzie became a top rung member of the party.
The task of restructuring the SLFP in the city was thrust on him.
After several years of political oblivion, Mr. Fowzie returned to
active politics in time for the 1994 general elections. He was instrumental
in bringing the SLFP back to power in 1994 after its crushing defeat
in 1977.
Though Mr.
Fowzie earned a reputation as a versatile minister in the PA administration,
he created problems for President Chandrika Kumaratunga on many
an occassion with his actions.
His disputes
with his cabinet colleague and SLMC leader M. H. M. Ashraff even
threatened the very survival of the government which had a slim
majority in parliament. The President had to intervene personally
to settle these disputes.
Mr. Fowzie has
been one of the advocates of a national government. After the SLFP's
defeat at last year's general election, he started campaigning more
vociferously for a national government.
Mr. Mahinda
Rajapakse has openly clashed with Mr. Bandaranaike in defence of
Mr. Fowzie and Richard Pathirana, another SLFP stalwart who faces
the same charge. Mr. Fowzie and Mr. Pathirana were served show-cause
letters by the party leadership. Mr. Fowzie in his reply to the
President, who is also the SLFP leader, says:
"Your
letter dated 26th June 2002 was received by me, on the 12th July
2002.
"An interim
reply was sent to you dated 4th July 2002, and as undertaken therein,
I set out below the reasons as to why no action should be taken
in pursuance of the purported 'Show Cause'.
"Your
letter is vague and is not specific. Thus prior to answering the
alleged charge, details as to when the alleged statements were made
as well as details of the public gathering and to which media they
were uttered to must be furnished.
"In any
event, and without prejudice to the above there is no decision and/or
policy of the SLFP to the effect that there should not be a national
government. If you, however, state that there is such a decision
or policy, kindly state when and where such decision was taken or
policy laid down, and kindly furnish me with documentary proof.
"However
in truth and in fact, the converse is the case; since you assumed,
to my knowledge, Executive Presidency on the 8th November 1994.
Since then you have openly advocated the formation of a national
government, and towards the middle of 2001, you initiated discussions
with the UNP for the formation of a national government and in fact
discussed among other things, the allocation of portfolios.
"You consented
to Ranil Wickremesinghe being the Prime Minister. However, the formation
of a national government fell through at that time principally because
of your avowed opposition to having G. L. Peiris and S. B. Dissanayake
in the Cabinet, based on a matter of personal prejudice/dislike,
and not as a matter of policy.
"Thus
to say the SLFP is opposed to the formation of a "national
government" is far from the truth.
"In any
event in the circumstances of this matter you have no power to act
in terms of section 14 (viii) of the Party Constitution.
"Furthermore,
you should not even attempt to act in terms of that section because
of the personal animosity you bear against me, in this matter you
cannot be the prosecutor and the judge in the same case.
"It is
strange that the letter under reference has been signed by you and
not by the General Secretary as is the practice of the party. This
seems a futile attempt to take cover under Article 35 of the Constitution
of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka which in this
instance is in any event not applicable.
"In the
circumstances,
(a) There is no policy of the SLFP against the formation of a 'national
government';
(b) You have failed to specify when the alleged statements were
made by me; as well as to which public gathering and to which media;
(c) You have
no power in the circumstances of this case to act under Section
14 (viii) of the party constitution;
(d) In any
event, since you have personal animus against me in this matter
you should not and, in any event cannot act under Section 14 (viii).
"I have
always acted in the interest of the party, the country and its people
and will never sacrifice my principles for political expediency.
In the circumstances, I trust that this matter will now end."
In his District
Court petition, too, Mr. Fowzie reiterated his point that the President
had no power to suspend him from the party and she was violating
the party constitution.
Mr. Fowzie
charged President Kumaratunga had personal animosity in this matter
against him and she was unlawfully and maliciously trying to suspend
him. He also said that he received a show-cause letter but claimed
that the allegation of misconduct was vague.
As the crisis
over Mr. Fowzie deepens, there is strong speculation that the former
minister along with several other SLFP MPs will cross over to the
UNF when the time is right.
Meanwhile,
at the weekly meeting of the ministers on Wednesday, the Presidential
luxury car deal dominated the proceedings.
The President
urged the Cabinet to investigate the matter and finish it off soon,
saying that 'bazaar' newspapers were waiting to carry out a smear
campaign against her.
The remarks
led to an exchange of words between the President and Minister Ravi
Karunanayake. Finance Minister K.N. Choksy said the investigation
could not be completed hurriedly since experts would have to examine
the cars.
The President
subsequently agreed to a proposal to appoint a five-member expert
committee to go into the matter. The committee will comprise representatives
from the Registrar of Motor Vehicles, Customs, a representative
from the Presidential Secretariat and the Secretary to the Cabinet.
Earlier, President Kumaratunga, in a note to the Cabinet, had said
it was inappropriate for a team of officials to have access to confidential
information regarding President's vehicles as explained earlier.
The note said
she had perused the draft minutes of the July 10 Cabinet meeting,
which she could not attend due to unavoidable reasons.
The President's
note to the Cabinet says:
"I have
perused the draft minutes of the Cabinet meeting held on 10/7/2002,
the meeting at which I could not be present due to unavoidable reasons.
According to item 07 of the minutes (page 7), I find that, having
considered my Memorandum dated 10th July 2002, the Cabinet of Ministers
has decided, inter-alia, that:
"(a) the
recommendation that the Prime Minister should 'view' the vehicles
in the Presidential Secretariat is most inappropriate;
"(b) instead,
a team of officials to be chosen immediately by the Cabinet Sub-Committee
and the President to inspect and not merely 'view' such vehicles
and submit details very early to the Cabinet Sub-Committee, with
the Presidential Secretariat providing the team with such information
and documents the team may require for such purpose;" etc.
"In this
connection, I wish to state as follows:
"1. The
issue of the vehicles is one regarding the action of the President's
Office. It is a matter concerning the Head of State, Head of Government
and Head of Cabinet and therefore I thought it quite appropriate
that the Prime minister should be the person to whom confidential
information about Presidential vehicles should be made available.
I do not agree with the Cabinet view that it is "most inappropriate"
that the Prime Minister should view the vehicles.
"2. However,
if the Prime Minister considers it inappropriate to visit President's
House to view vehicles, he may nominate his Secretary to do so.
In which event my Secretary will also be present. If the vehicles
are viewed it will be established definitively that every one of
the vehicles imported is accounted for and none is missing.
"3. I
consider it 'most inappropriate' for a team of officials to have
access to confidential information regarding President's vehicles
as explained in my Cabinet Memo dated 10th July. I consider that
it is quite sufficient for the Prime Minister's Secretary or the
Prime Minister himself to see the vehicles and be provided with
all relevant information.
"4. As
stated in the Memo of 10th July, the vehicles could be made available
for viewing whenever the Prime Minister or his Secretary is ready
to do so. I strongly recommend that this be done immediately, without
any further delay."
When the vehicle
controversy reached its pitch at the cabinet meeting, Minister Karunanayake
dropped another bombshell when he inquired the President about a
hi-tech lady' handbag fitted with video cameras capable of filming
even in dull light.
The President
looked on when Minister Karunanayake said that Additional Director
General of the Directorate of Internal Intelligence had placed the
order for the purchase of such a handbag.
Mr. Karunanayake
showing an illustration of the hand bag told the President, "Madam,
it is somewhat similar to what you are using now."
Ministers John
Amaratunga and Vajira Abeywardena had observed certain gadgets in
the bag, but nobody was certain whether it was the bag in question.
However, Prime
Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe did not allow the matter to go out
of hand. The Prime Minister said it was not the proper forum to
discuss the matter and suggested that if anybody had a complaint,
it should be taken up with the Defence Ministry.
The letter
written by the Additional Director General of the Directorate of
Internal Intelligence on November 13 last year to the relevant company
is as follows:
"We wish
to place an order for 01 No. unit - VH09 Video handbag hide. Colour
camera, twin stereo microphones, remote wireless key-fob activation;
Sony DCR-PC9 digital camcorder, incorporating super night shot low
light capability. The equipment should be packed in the same type
of black bag as provided earlier.
Please instruct
your Principals to deliver the above to Mr. Sunil Munasinghe of
the Sri Lankan High Commission, No. 13, Hyde Park Gardens, London
W2, 2LU. Necessary instructions will be given to Mr. Munasinghe
to take delivery of the equipment. The necessary funds for this
equipment will be paid by me in Colombo."
The United
National Front ministers are now wondering whether the Cabinet proceedings
are bugged. If that is so, Sri Lanka is set for its own Watergate
episode.
|