Tsunami
dictatorship
The Government's laboured effort at introducing Emergency Regulations
in the aftermath of the tsunami speaks for itself. The regulations
originally came into force just like the tsunami did; without any
warning; taking everyone totally by surprise. Until the selectively
vigilant Civil Rights Movement made a public announcement asking
for details of some provisions that it had learnt were brought into
force by the President. Still, the President's Office made nothing
known, its media outfit being so thoroughly ineffective in the dissemination
of news.
Looking
for transparency in the Government is like looking for that proverbial
black cat in a dark room in the middle of the night that isn't there.
And this is supposedly the most powerful office in the Republic
- the Executive Presidency.
Then,
the President's Office made another hash of things. It promulgated
the Emergency Regulations without getting parliamentary approval
at the right time as is constitutionally required. So the regulations
lapsed and Government officials were acting in violation of the
law believing the regulations were in force, when in fact, they
were not. This was like the Mad Hatter's tea party, and indeed symbolic
of the way the Government was running the country in general, and
the tsunami relief and reconstruction work, in particular. No wonder
then, that the second biggest party in the ruling coalition distanced
itself from the way things were being handled or mishandled as the
case may be, at the highest levels of Government.
One
would have expected the Government to come out swiftly with Emergency
Regulations in the first few days after the tsunami. Obviously,
a state of emergency had arisen. The military had to be called in
and given police powers, especially with early reports of robberies,
looting, sketchy but fearful reports of rape, encroachments and
the like. The Government was so lackadaisical in its approach to
these reports and the non-introduction of a state of emergency showed
how slow it was to react to the enormity of the crisis at hand.
The President who had returned from her holiday in the UK was kept
busy meeting visiting dignitaries while actual governance was in
disarray. She thought the appointment of three Presidential task
forces was the answer to all the problems, but infighting and sheer
incompetence wrecked all such efforts. And now we know the reason
for the delay in promulgating these regulations.
The
Government has brought in provisions that have nothing to do with
tsunami relief and reconstruction work. There is no proper answer
to why these wide-ranging provisions have been brought into force
in 14 districts, many of which had nothing to do with the tsunami.
There are clauses relating to causing 'disaffection' not only to
those engaged in tsunami work, but even if it is prejudicial to
national security. Since the 1971 JVP insurgency, this country has
been under Emergency Regulations of some kind, maintaining only
a mere facade of a democracy. A popular newspaper house critical
at the time of the Government was closed in 1973 under the 1971
regulations. There was absolutely no co-relationship between the
publishing house and the insurgency. Those who have experienced
the wide interpretation given to 'national security' know how it
can be used to browbeat normal democratic dissent.
There
is also the discriminatory manner in which these regulations are
used. For instance, when the Commissioner General of Essential Services
himself says that only 30 percent of the immediate relief measures
were attended to in the first month after the tsunami, he will probably
not be charged for causing 'disaffection' among the public service,
but anyone else saying so, might well find himself in a spot of
bother. There is a horrendous clause in the new regulations giving
the President the power to appoint anyone, just anyone she likes,
with police powers. And these are not just the normal police powers
of arrest, but additionally fortified powers under these new Emergency
Regulations to break into homes, question people and even detain
them. This is tantamount to a police state in the making.
Surely,
there should have been some limitations to these sweeping powers
vested with a political President? Fortunately, if the debate on
these regulations reflected the views of the country, there were
some sobering elements. The Public Security Minister admitted that
there were flaws and said he hoped these regulations would not need
to be extended for too long, and that even if they were, they would
need to be amended. Many will be the persons in Government who will
argue the need to maintain essential services through these Emergency
Regulations. They will then get accustomed to the added power vested
in them, and like with some stimulant, get addicted to it, and find
they can't do without it. The abuses will inevitably begin and the
foundations of democracy will begin to shake. |
EDITORIAL
OFFICE
No. 8, Hunupitiya Cross Road, Colombo 2. P.O. Box: 1136, Colombo
2, Sri Lanka.
Tel:
2326247, 2328889, 2433272-3. Fax: 2423922, 2423258
Email:
Editor - editor@sundaytimes.wnl.lk
News - stnews@sundaytimes.wnl.lk
Features - features@sundaytimes.wnl.lk
Financial Times- ft@sundaytimes.wnl.lk
Subs Desk - subdesk@sundaytimes.wnl.lk,
Funday Times - funtimes@wijeya.lk
ADVERTISING
OFFICE
No. 48, Parkway Building, Park Street, Colombo 2, Sri Lanka
Tel: 0115330330, 0115330808, 0115330808. Fax: 2314864
Email: adve@lankabellnet.com
CIRCULATION
DEPARTMENT
No.
47, W.A.D. Ramanayake Mawatha, Colombo 2, Sri Lanka.
Tel: 2435454, 2448322, 0114714252. Fax: 2459725
Back to Top |
Back
to Index |
|
Copyright © 2001 Wijeya Newspapers
Ltd. All rights reserved.
Please send your comments and suggestions
on this web site to
ramesh@sundaytimes.wnl.lk
|