No
way to treat Oslo
- SLMM report and Swedish envoy statement anger
Govt.
- LTTE takes Norway for a ride; Solheim hands
over tough letter.
By Our Political Editor
It turned out to be a strange case. The Government
had to monitor the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) and ensure
that a seven-page report from it did not become public before the
now abandoned Oslo talks last Thursday and Friday.
|
Norwegian Minister of Development Erik Solheim
flanked by special envoy Jon Hanssen-Bauer and mediator Vidar
Helgesen, appears at a press briefing in Oslo on Thursday. |
A copy of the report titled "Implementation
of the Agreements Reached between the Government of Sri Lanka and
the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam at the Geneva talks on 22-23
February 2006" had been handed over to Government leaders in
Colombo. It has been signed by SLMM Head retired Swedish Major General
Ulf Henriccson.
Infuriated by its contents, highly damning on
the Government, Norwegian facilitators were told that the Sri Lanka
Government would not send a delegation to Oslo if the SLMM report
was made public earlier. If it was tabled at the Oslo talks, they
were told, the Sri Lanka delegation would stage a walkout. They
assured both would not happen.
The Government's concern is understandable. They
would have been seen in bad light even before the talks began. A
Sri Lanka delegation arrived in Oslo but talks with the LTTE on
the role of the SLMM, in the aftermath of the European Union ban,
were a non-event. This time, it became abundantly clear that LTTE
Political Wing leader, the all smiling, smooth talking Suppiah Palani
Thamilselvan, had taken Norway for a good ride, a jolly good one
as some would say. From the time he stepped into a Sri Lanka Air
Force Mi-17 helicopter to Colombo until he reached Oslo, he made
Norwegian officials feel that he and his fellow travellers had donned
their newly acquired lounge suits to sit across the table to face
the Sri Lanka delegation.
But in Oslo, Thamilselvan and his buddies felt
the Sri Lanka delegation was at a low level and was no equal match
for the LTTE delegation. So they did not want to sit at the table
and talk with them. When pushed, he said it could be done with the
rest of his team led by S. Prabagaran alias Pulithevan, the head
of the LTTE Peace Secretariat. Thamilselvan, a one time guerrilla
who was wounded in the Pooneryn battles of 1993, had pushed himself
in his own imaginary precedence table to the level of a cabinet
minister. He complained that there were no Cabinet ministers in
the Sri Lanka delegation. He did not seem to know that any delegation
representing the Government of Sri Lanka was worth its salt. They
were representing a sovereign nation. Even the usually calm and
cool Erik Solheim, Norway's Minister for International Development,
could not hide his feelings. He let fly at the LTTE during a news
conference. Even the Norwegians were now learning the politics of
LTTE duplicity.
Yet, the Government in Colombo was taking no chances
with the SLMM report. So, even before the SLMM report became public,
it responded with a hard-hitting reply. Funny enough, it received
play in some of the media yesterday but most readers did not know
what caused the response. They were unaware of what the SLMM had
said. The SLMM report and the Government's response appear in full
on Pages 14 and 15.
The first to arrive in Oslo were members of the
LTTE delegation. They were busy holding talks with Norwegian officials,
representatives of INGOs (International Non- Government Grganizations),
human rights groups, representatives of Tamil organizations in Europe
and advisors including Shiva Pasupati, a one time Sri Lankan Attorney
General now living in Australia.
There were no major issues and the Sri Lanka delegation
had not met together before departure from Colombo. The Head of
the Sri Lanka Government Peace Secretariat, Dr. Palitha Kohona arrived
in Oslo only around 6 pm on Wednesday. He had travelled first from
Colombo to Pakistan to deliver a lecture at a seminar. It is only
then the Sri Lanka team sat together to discuss strategy for the
next morning's meeting. Even the opening statement began to take
shape there.
Conspicuous by their absence was the Sri Lankan
media. The venue was a hotel one and half hours from the Oslo city
centre. The Tamil media including representatives from Colombo were
on hand. They had been allowed into the hotel to witness the start
of the Government-LTTE dialogue.
The Sri Lanka delegation had entered a room at
the hotel by 8.30 am on Thursday and was ready for the face-to-face
encounter. Just then, a shaken Norwegain Special Envoy Jon Hanssen-Baur
rushed in to give the bad news -- the LTTE was not willing to sit
down for talks with the Sri Lankan side. Bauer did not hide his
feeling. He blamed it on the LTTE.
Sri Lanka delegation leader Dr. Kohona reached
out to his Dialog Blackberry phone with international roaming and
telephoned President Mahinda Rajapaksa. He told him that the LTTE
was not willing to talk with the Government of Sri Lanka. "If
they do not want to talk to you all, make your position clear and
return immediately to Colombo," declared Rajapaksa. The delegation
hurriedly drafted a media statement and sent it to Colombo for approval
and release. They told Norwegian officials that they were leaving
for Colombo. They checked out of the hotel where bookings had been
made by Norway and temporarily sheltered themselves in a nearby
hotel. One senior Sri Lanka delegation member told a Norwegian official
to send the LTTE delegation back to Colombo as soon as possible.
"Tell them, there would be no Air Force helicopters to take
them to Kilinochchi. They will have to travel in buses," he
declared. He was of course joking. Also as a joke, the Oslo official
retorted "no, I will tell them to go walking from Colombo."
Another Norwegian official urged the Sri Lanka
delegation members to stay over at the hotel. He said Solheim would
arrive at 5 p.m. that evening to speak to the two sides. The rumour
mill took over at this point. Reports reaching Colombo spoke of
Solheim striking a compromise deal that he hoped to announced to
the two sides. There was no such thing. The Sri Lankan team left
only to return around 5 p.m. to know whether Solheim had anything
to tell them.
Solheim said nothing. He simply handed over a
letter addressed to President Rajapaksa. A similar letter addressed
to Velupillai Prabhakaran, the LTTE leader, had been given to the
Kilinochchi delegation. In the two letters, Solheim sought answers
to five questions he had raised. It began by asking the two sides
whether they stand committed to the Ceasefire Agreement. Others
included answers to queries on security guarantees for ceasefire
monitors and amendments to some provisions of the CFA. See opposite
page for details. The Sri Lanka delegation left Oslo. Some went
to London to return from there whilst others came back via Dubai.
The LTTE delegation chose to spend a few days in Geneva and return
to Colombo on Tuesday.
If Sweden's retired Major General Ulf Henriccson,
Head of the SLMM, angered the Government with his seven-page report,
he was not alone. Joining him in a different exercise was Sweden's
Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Inga Eriksson Fogh.
The occasion was a reception at the Continental
Hotel in Colombo to mark Swedish national day.
Ambassador Fogh made reference to the peace process.
He warned that if things did not change for the better, his Government
would have to reconsider overseas development assistance to Sri
Lanka. He said his Government was answerable to the Swedish people.
The tenor of the speech, and that too on the occasion of a national
day, left many diplomats present aghast. If a Swedish soldier was
wielding the big stick as Head of SLMM, here was Sweden's envoy
in Colombo taking the upper hand at the national day of his country
to tell poor little Sri Lanka how to behave.
It was Disaster Management Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe
who was representing the Government at this event. He not only prevented
a disaster but handled the situation so deftly that he won accolades
from those present. In his speech before proposing the toast, Samarasighe
first praised Sweden for the economic advances it had made and the
quality of life enjoyed by its people. He then said politely that
the Swedish Ambassador had "thrown us a challenge" during
his speech. Samarasinghe said "I can assure those present here
that we can boldly take up that challenge. The Government of President
Mahinda Rajapaksa is quite capable." He said "it takes
two to tango." Whilst the Government delegation was in Oslo
to further the peace process, the LTTE was not willing to talk to
them.
He said the Government of Sri Lanka was fully
appreciative of what the European Union had done. But they would
need their continued support. "Whilst you are telling us what
to do, please tell other actors to play their role too. Political
stability is a sine qua non," he said.
When Samarasinghe finished his speech, US Ambassador
Jeffry Lunstead walked up to him to shake his hands. He commended
him for the speech. So did the Acting High Commissioner for India
and many others.
The episode did not end there. Ambassador Fogh
was summoned to the Foreign Office thereafter. The Government's
displeasure over his remarks during the Swedish national day reception
was conveyed to him by Foreign Secretary H.M.G.S. Palihakkara.
In another development, President Rajapaksa once
again renewed his invitation for the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)
to join the Government. It came when a three-member delegation headed
by JVP leader Somawansa Amerasinghe and including Wimal Weerawansa
and Anura Kumara Dissanayake held a lengthy meeting on Thursday.
The meeting that began in the evening continued until midnight and
covered several issues including rising corruption.
Government sources said President Rajapaksa explained
several issues and identified some of the serious constraints he
faced now. These sources said former President Chandrika Bandaranaike
Kumaratunga was also posing a formidable challenge to him in the
Sri Lanka Freedom Party.
This week, Ms. Kumaratunga who is keeping a close
tab on both political events and day-to-day developments including
media reports, was speaking to Government leaders whom she believed
were her confidants. She raised questions from them to obtain their
views. She later made her views known on some of the current issues
and declared that she proposed to return to Colombo shortly. She
had also written personal letters to several important ministers.
With a crumbling peace process, the threat of
a war looming large and economic burdens on the public mounting,
President Rajapaksa faces an uphill task. Six months in office,
questions of credibility, no doubt, are telling and telling seriously.
This is notwithstanding the answers provided by his confidants that
giving leadership to a minority Government was preventing him from
acting tough on some issues. But, sadly it is not them, but Rajapaksa
who faces the brunt. He should know that. |