The Sunday Times Political Column

It was a well-known fact that when military dictators, often from poor countries, wanted to attend the United Nations General Assembly, or go abroad, they would take a huge delegation of government ministers, officials and hangers-on. He would probably hire an entire aircraft and several wings of a hotel for the retinue. Most certainly the Defence Minister, the Police Chief and the like were always included. The reason: the dictator-President did not trust them to be at home, giving them the temptation of ousting him in a coup d'état.

Sri Lanka's popularly elected President Mahinda Rajapaksa has given stiff competition to these military dictators, but for different reasons. His official delegation was not officially announced, obviously due to the embarrassment it would have caused, if blushes mean anything to government leaders anyway. They number over half a century, and at least one of them is said to be a businessman from Singapore.

President Rajapaksa's first stop was London, but that was en route to Havana for the Non-Aligned Summit. Few people in Sri Lanka even knew that the Movement (NAM) still existed. He arrives from Havana today in the Big Apple, the pet name for New York City, which only last week marked the fifth anniversary of the infamous 9/11 attacks on the US.

In New York, President Rajapaksa is billed to address the General Assembly next Wednesday morning. Sri Lanka, for years, used to get to speak on Day 1 soon after the curtain has been raised by the traditional speech of the US President. This time too, President George Bush will be speaking on Tuesday, the opening day, followed by his arch rival, the Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. But Sri Lanka's turn comes now only on Day 2.

On this day, President Rajapaksa will make a second speech at the Asia Society where he is due to speak in Sinhala, with A.H.M. Azver, the former UNP MP as his interpreter. A wag once told Azver, a professional interpreter of yesteryear, that after his entry into Parliament, where he used to constantly intervene, disturbing proceedings, he had turned his skills from interpreter to interrupter.
Tonight though, Sri Lanka's Ambassador to the UN, Prasad Kariyawasam, would be hosting a star-studded dinner -- the count now is something like 65 delegates, almost a world record -- some of them not even on the official list. One Sri Lankan expatriate in the city had, tongue- in-cheek, advised the Sri Lanka Mission in New York to hire Madison Square Garden or Radio City Music Hall (New York's answer to the Grand Canyon) for the gala dinner.

While the incumbent President outdoes all his predecessors, one of them will also be in the same city at the same time, but will almost certainly not be one of those present to break with him at the gala dinner, nor to listen to his speech on behalf of his countrymen.

Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga will be among the has-beens; the Summit of former Heads of Government hosted by former US President Bill Clinton at the Waldorf Astoria where at US dollars 6,400 (Rs. 640,000) per ticket, other wanna-bees can also attend.

The only Sri Lankan who can afford these expensive tickets, in fact, four of them, is business tycoon Harry Jayawardene, celebrating the purchase of yet another private institution, Apollo Hospital only this Thursday. Jayawardene is a friend of the Clintons through a Pakistani financier living in the US, and his arrival in London yesterday, was reported to be to accompany his good friend, and benefactor, the former President Kumaratunga, now living in self-exile in Britain to New York for the Clinton Summit.

Just before he left, he had met his other friend from the same family, Anura Bandaranaike at the latter's official residence, Ackland House. This was only hours after he had clinched Apollo.

Jayawardene was in a buoyant mood, naturally. Another feather had been added to his cap. But Bandaranaike was in a foul mood. His main grouse was that President Rajapaksa had shackled him at home, while he was jetting all over the world.

Various ministers were being taken as part of his entourage, while he was grounded and gated. "He does not let my sister come back to Sri Lanka, and does not let me leave Sri Lanka," was his lament.

Such was Bandaranaike's mood, he vented his feelings in writing letters to the media that made any critical comment about him. He wrote to an Indian journalist asking if he ever sat on the great Indian icon Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru's lap as he did. He even wrote to this newspaper challenging anyone to write to him asking if he had violated collective Cabinet responsibility by criticising Bush, Blair and Nirupama Rao.

His argument was that as Cabinet had never taken a decision not to criticise Bush, Blair and Rao, he was perfectly entitled to do what he did in his speech to Parliament a fortnight ago.

Students of politics were not certain if Bandaranaike's interpretation was entirely correct. There is a school that says that collective Cabinet responsibility extends to matters beyond decision taken in Cabinet, to general important policy directions of the Government, and certainly foreign affairs is one area of such importance.

If every minister says what he wants to say about a foreign leader, then what would be the position of the Government's foreign policy save having to make statements the next day distancing itself from that minister's individual point-of-view?

There's an interesting passage in Sir Ivor Jennings classic "Cabinet Government" (1947) on page 225, where he quotes a correspondence, in 1883 between William Gladstone, the then British prime minister, and the Queen over the right of a minister to have greater liberty to speak on issues. The PM cautioned the Minister on speaking "on subjects of high politics, or otherwise delicate, should be made as rarely and reservedly and, if I may say so, as reluctantly as possible".

The next year the Queen complained about Cabinet Ministers making such speeches, and Gladstone wrote; "I have no general jurisdiction over the speeches of my colleagues, and no right to prescribe their tone and colour. When they offend against an assurance which with their authority I have given to the Queen, they then afford me a title to interfere upon which I have been, I hope, not unduly slow to act". To this the Queen replied; "The Queen thinks, and maintains that the Prime Minister has and ought to have that power, and that former Prime Ministers did exercise it." Gladstone's answer was, in substance, an acceptance of that obligation.

In other words, the minister had the right to say what he wanted, but the Prime Minister had the right to act against the minister. President Rajapaksa, however, left all these headaches behind as he jetted to Havana, the run-down capital of Communist Cuba, the role model of left-oriented politicians of Sri Lanka of yesteryear, including himself.

Back at home, his military had done him proud by taming the Tiger rebels in both, the northern and eastern theatres, and on the political front, he had set in motion discussions for a national consensus among southern political parties by having the ruling SLFP talk separately to the JVP and the UNP.

The JVP talks were progressing well, with only three, though crucial, issues to be resolved, all dealing with the on-going separatist insurgency.

Interesting enough, President Rajapaksa had a breakfast meeting with a three-member JVP delegation led by its leader, Somawansa Amerasinghe. Others in the JVP delegation were General Secretary Tilvin Silva and Parliamentary Group leader Wimal Weerawansa. Only Rajapaksa confidant Dullas Allahapperuma was on hand.

If any decisions on the Government-JVP merger was expected, that was not to be. Rajapaksa made clear he had broken rest the previous night. That was on Tuesday keeping tabs on what would be the outcome of the meeting of donor co chairs in Brussels. Both the Foreign Ministry and the Secretariat Co-ordinating the Peace Proces (SCOPP) were keeping him briefed.

Rajapakasa did not hide his feelings. Over string hoppers and kiribath, Rajapaksa explained what had happened. He lamented that Norway's Minister for International Development Erik Solheim had declared after the donor co-chairs meeting that the LTTE had made an offer to resume unconditional peace talks and the Government had accepted it. This was factually wrong. He had asked defence spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella to deny that claim since the Government had not been consulted on the LTTE offer, the Norwegian capital of Oslo being the venue or on whether it should be held next month. The SCOPP website had in fact posted a strongly-worded statement. That was to be followed later by a second one, which was softer in tone and content.

Rajapaksa urged the JVP to join his Government without raising issues on conditions. He pointed out that the JVP had in fact entered into a similar agreement with his predecessor, former President Kumaratunga. However, provisions of even that agreement had not been effectively enforced. Therefore, he said, the JVP should not insist on conditions but join hands with the Government to forge a close alliance to serve the country.

Amerasinghe said his party was giving the fullest support to the government even without joining it. What was necessary, therefore, was for it to concede the conditions the JVP has placed in the national interest. Rajapaksa reiterated his stand saying what was required was for them to join the government for the common good of the people and think of conditions later.

At one stage Rajapaksa excused himself from the meeting. He had to meet the visiting Indian Finance Minister P. Chidambaram who had come to take part in the Commonwealth Finance Ministers meeting in Colombo. The media had also been invited to cover the event.

When he returned to the breakfast table, Rajapaksa was told by confidant Dulles Allahapperuma that the media was already at Temple Trees and it would be a good idea to get them to take pictures of the JVP meeting.

Amerasinghe agreed. In front of the cameramen, Rajapaksa shook Amersinghe's hand. He said he should really be hugging him. An awkward in between picture was the result. Later he shook hands with Tilvin Silva and Wimal Weerawansa as well. They agreed they would meet again since Rajapaksa had another important meeting before he left Colombo for Havana. Amerasinghe and party had gone for the Temple Trees meeting without their Politburo or the Central Committee discussing these issues.

Amerasinghe had been away in South Korea taking part in a seminar and had arrived in Colombo only on Tuesday night. Now the JVP wants to summon both its Politburo and the Central Committee to discuss matters further. Thereafter, they will await Rajapaksa's return to talk further.

President Rajapaksa ended the meeting with the JVP rather inconclusively to chair another top level meeting. In attendance at that meeting were his brother and senior advisor, Basil Rajapaksa, Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva, Foreign Secretary H.M.G.S. Palihakkara and Treasury Secretary P.B. Jayasundera. There, they discussed the outcome of developments arising from the donor co-chairs meeting. It was decided to issue a second statement. In that Rajapaksa welcomed the call by the donor co-chairs for the resumption of talks but made clear the Government's disappointment over the remarks made about Government's agreement and the meeting being held in Oslo.

Later, Norwegian Ambasssador Hans Brattskar was summoned to the Foreign Ministry. It was Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva who expressed the Government's concerns as Foreign Minister Samraweera was away in Russia canvassing Jayantha Dhanapala’s UN Candidature. Also on hand was Foreign Secreraty Palihakkara. Now, the Government will further elaborate its position when Norway's special envoy Jon Hanssen Bauer visits Colombo next month. Meanwhile, Government talks with the UNP began on Friday, but amidst some fresh turmoil within that beleaguered party. Once again, it was that MP from Colombo Central, Milinda Moragoda, who was in the eye of the storm. He had just arrived from a trip to Europe when he had set up a meeting with President Rajapaksa on the footing that he was to set the "framework" for the talks already agreed to between UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and deputy leader Karu Jayasuriya.

President Rajapaksa believing this to be a messenger from the party hierarchy, given the perceived notion that he is indeed close to the party hierarchy, gave him an appointment for Monday this week, the day before the heavyweights are to meet, but Moragoda said he was to go to India, and therefore asked for an advanced date. He got covering approval for the meeting with the President by informing Wickremesinghe.

Sensing urgency on the part of Moragoda, the President gave him an appointment for Friday, the day Moragoda landed in Colombo. Moragoda and the President discussed everything but any "framework" for the Wickremesinghe-Jayasuriya-Rajapaksa talks.

Not only were Wickremesinghe-Jayasuriya and Rajapaksa taken for a ride, but so too was the media when Moragoda's camp leaked the story about a meeting with the President to work out this so-called "framework". Seeing this in the local press, UNP MPs came down like a ton of bricks on their party leader asking him what this "duplicitous" role he was playing, telling them one thing, and getting Moragoda to do things they were never told about.

This forced Wickremesinghe to set the record straight by briefing these same journalists saying Moragoda had no mandate to talk to the President about any such framework. This was published in the media as a "UNP statement", but Moragoda's camp then issued a statement saying the UNP never issued such a statement. What would normally look like a storm in a tea cup over some nonsensical theatrics on the part of Moragoda, got further compounded by a story that seemed to have come again from the Moragoda camp saying he was going to New Delhi to discuss major issues with Indian Government leaders on behalf of Wickremesinghe when in fact Moragoda only went to Kochin on family business.

Coming in the wake of the already murky waters of a party inquiry into Moragoda's (and others) conduct in the recent Colombo Muncipal fiasco when the UNP list got disqualified, it seemed the party was getting bogged down in some crazy happenings over the conduct of one or two MPs rather than engaging in mass mobilisation which is their bigger task in Opposition. The UNP going for talks with the SLFP to discuss modalities for a national consensus on several key issues ranging from the peace process, to the economy, election reforms, good governance etc., seems to be an outlet for their members, restless with inaction within the UNP, and seduced by tempting offers of perks and privileges of ministerial office in the Government. Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya shows keenness in this exercise of national consensus on the basis that the 'country comes first', while other advocates may have different agendas. But even here, the UNP leadership kept doing things where the party's loyal workers were asking "what's going on here?"

In the midst of Moragoda's antics claiming to work out a framework for the Wickremesinghe- Jayasuriya-Rajapaksa talks when none had cared to ask him to do so, even brazenly challenging the party leadership, he is included in the UNP delegation to meet the SLFP leadership.

His name was not on the original list of five members that the W-J- R talks had decided on for further discussions. The UNP nominated four -- Jayasuriya, G.L. Peiris, John Amaratunga and Rukman Senanayake, with debate on the fifth. Moragoda was not automatically on the list despite him being the original peace process negotiator with Peiris.

Then, suddenly, Wickremesinghe tells the SLFP secretary Maithripala Sirisena that they should include Ministers John Seneviratne and Athauda Seneviratne whom they named as substitutes for Ministers Mangala Samaraweera and Jeyeraj Fernandopulle to make the delegation seven from each side.

The UNP then adds the names of Moragoda into the list, and for good measure Malik Samarawickrama and Ravi Karunanayake, to make the UNP's seven.

The fact that Moragoda can get away with whatever he does, or says is what intrigues UNPers, while others shrug their shoulders saying that he is Wickremesinghe's hatchet man in foreign relations and contacts, and therefore he knows he can survive. At Friday's discussions, Prime Minister Ratnasiri Wickramanayake told the UNPers that "the Government was very serious about a working partnership with the UNP", and asked that the process extend to more areas than the peace process. The discussions revolved around five years of such cohabitation.

A sub-committee has now been appointed to go further into this cohabitation, and they are scheduled to meet on Tuesday. The UNP has appointed Peiris, who has served both the UNP and the SLFP, to be its man in the sub-committee, though his zeal at working on a Norwegian-backed deal with the Tiger rebels will not sit well with the JVP which is having talks with the SLFP on the same issue.

Jayasuriya was happy with the outcome of the first round saying to the media later that night that he was "cautiously optimistic", ruling out further talks on a national consensus if the Government continued what he said were the "dirty tricks" of winning over its members with portfolios.

But others asked what the role of the UNP would be as an opposition party. "Would we see a Parliament without an Opposition?", they asked, and pointed out that the next parliamentary elections are due in 3 1/2 years, while the Government was asking for 5 years cohabitation.

At least for now, the UNP probably feels it can arrest the crossovers of its impatient members by talking to the Government, keeping them 'occupied' as it were. They cannot also be seen in the 'southern' electorate as being uncooperative in the battle against terrorism. While the UNP is in this quagmire, the Government probably feels it has the UNP by the groin. How to wriggle out of the situation, to cooperate without losing its identity and being dissolved in the process, would be the main concern of the Grand Old Party as it celebrates 60 tumultous years in Sri Lankan politics.