Development with devolution
The Supreme Court, no stranger to controversy,
this week ruled that the merger of the North-East Provincial
Council is ultra-vires (outside the law) of the Constitution.
For all intents and purposes, this
merger has been one of the biggest political shams in
the country. It is a classic lesson of how a system
of government, forced down the throat of the nation
has had a life of its own in areas it was not meant
for, and was dead as a dodo where it was meant to function.
Much blood has flowed since - and
the temporary merger has run for 19 years. Elections
were held just once, and only the EPRLF contested, for
its Chief Minister to make a unilateral declaration
of Independence, then go to India because the LTTE were
after him. Since then, a Colombo-appointed Governor
has been running the two provinces.
This merged North and East Council
is a contradiction of what devolution (power to the
periphery) is all about.
The merged province is almost a quarter
of the whole country - certainly the largest of the
Councils - and runs contrary to the concept of power
to the grassroots. Instead, it is to provide the separatists
an area so large that it could be the contours of what
is claimed to be the traditional homeland of the Tamil-speaking
people.
The sticky issue is that the people of the Eastern Province
were not for the merger and for good reason. So, while
the North and East Provinces were having a sham legislative
and executive system - the rest of the country was saddled
with the same, something the JVP which challenged this
merger in the Supreme Court and the ruling SLFP opposed
in toto.
So how come these two parties now
in power, will not jettison the PC system they so strongly
opposed back in 1987.
One of the arguments is that things
have moved on and the PC system is accepted now. Like
we said last week, this country's political parties
make a lot of noise over an issue but then quietly accept
it when they find that there is something in it for
them, in this case, all the attendant powers and perks.
But the system itself has proved to
be an utterly useless exercise merely duplicating the
work of the Central Government and local councils.
It has been our position for many
years that devolution is a necessity - but that PCs
are not the answer. The contentious issue is the unit
of devolution. We have long argued that the District
ought to be the unit of devolution citing the examples
of the US, Canada, India, Australia etc., though federalism
is an exercise in futility given their sheer size in
comparison to Sri Lanka.
Districts can always work with other
neighbouring districts. What's more, in today's electronic
age, much of what is seen as administrative stumbling
blocks can be overcome by Information Technology, the
tool of the 21st century that breaks down linguistic
barriers and is borderless.
The Government is now in a quandary
having to make known its position following the Supreme
Court ruling. There is also the upcoming peace talks,
which will surely discuss humanitarian issues first,
but have to focus on core issues such as devolution
someday if the peace process is to progress.
The international community must put
its money where its mouth is and fund development projects,
for only development can break the shackles of this
country's current impasse.
For starters, the Government must
take a hard look at devolution; abandon the current
PC system and re-introduce the District Development
Councils - with the emphasis on development.
How to engage the LTTE in this process
given the current militancy is the question. The LTTE
will probably stick to its 2003 position of ISGA (Interim
Self Governing Authority) or the post-tsunami P-TOMS
mechanism, both of which met with stiff resistance from
the "south".
Should the Government proceed to establish
DDCs, have elections thereto in the rest of the country,
the LTTE or the TNA will need to shore up people's support,
get control of these Development Councils and work to
uplift the lives of their people.
The paradigm shift that is a fashionable
phrase in the jargon of the peace process, must be in
the model of ensuring that development is prioritised
at the forefront of political thinking - not just the
grabbing of political power.
For surely that is what the ordinary
people of the North and East desperately yearn for.
While there still might be other viable alternatives
that could be discussed at any future peace talks, they
cannot revolve around the PC system which has failed
to take off in the North and East and come a cropper
in the rest of Sri Lanka as well.
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