A 9 deadlock: End of
the road for peace process?
- Muhamalai debacle one of the worst in Eelam
war
- Inside story of closed-door talks in Geneva
By Iqbal Athas
Scorched coconut, Palmyrah trees and scrub jungle
dot an otherwise desolate stretch of land. The promulgation of Emergency
Regulations declaring a High Security Zone (HSZ) led to civilians
abandoning the area. A large Catholic Church and Kovils stand testimony
to what was once a bustling fishing village. Located on the west
is the Jaffna lagoon and on the east the Indian Ocean.
Since the Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) of February
2002, Muhamalai assumed greater significance. It was the divide,
or the gateway, that separated Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(LTTE)-controlled Wanni from the Government-controlled Jaffna peninsula.
An entry-exit point that stood in the middle of the A-9 highway,
like the one at Omanthai (north of Vavuniya) were the two access
routes to the Wanni.
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Muhamalai |
If the CFA conferred on the LTTE the "licence"
to a vast tract of land to dominate and operate a virtual "parallel"
administration, these two access routes became their life blood.
Food, fuel, medical supplies arrived through them. Entry and exit
to the Wanni were through these two main corridors. Fighting cadres,
including suicide bombers, moved under cover from there to carry
out attacks. Explosives and other warlike material were moved out
from there to Government-controlled areas.
But today, Muhamalai, on the thin isthmus that
links northern mainland to the Jaffna peninsula, has won worldwide
notoriety as the killing fields of Sri Lanka. That dubious reputation
came within just a month - August 11 to October 11.
It was 5.45 p.m. on August 11, just after the
day's work at the Entry-Exit point had ended, when Tiger guerrillas
launched a major onslaught on the Muhamalai defences. They destroyed
some bunkers, forced a Navy detachment in Kilali and some Army troops
to fall back. Army's elite commandos, despite some losses they suffered,
fought back bravely to regain the bunker lines. The re-capture of
the one time Entry-Exit point area followed.
The battles saw guerrillas capturing some positions
and the Security Forces later re-capturing them. There were waves
of guerrilla attacks; some backed by cadres on Sea Tiger boats in
the Kilali lagoon. Some positions kept changing hands as the fighting
raged. All this ended only on August 26. A period of 15 days (August
11 to August 26) saw the deaths of 16 Army officers and 171 soldiers.
A further 49 officers and 840 soldiers were injured. The brave fight
they put up and the sacrifices they made prevented the fall of Muhamalai
defences.
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Troops recovered the bodies of 144 guerrillas
who were engaged in battles with them. They lay dead around their
defended localities. This included 58 women cadres. They were buried
in four different locations within the area of control of the two
Army brigades assigned to Muhamalai. Security Forces claim that
at least twice that number was killed in the fighting. That included
the bodies that were taken away by the guerrillas. Independent verification
of guerrilla casualties is not possible.
The ill-planned military offensive that ended
in a devastating debacle on October 11 followed. More than 18 officers
and 128 soldiers were killed in this. A further 616 officers and
soldiers were injured. This is the third major debacle in the history
of offensives conducted by the Army. The first was an offensive
to capture guerrilla-held areas in Pooneryn. A guerilla counter
attack in the aftermath in November 1993 led to the deaths of six
officers and 221 soldiers. Four officers and 304 were then declared
missing in action and now confirmed dead. That brought the Army
death toll to 635. A further two officers and 12 Navy sailors were
killed and 92 sailors were reported missing in action. They were
later confirmed dead. That brought the Navy death toll to 106. Seventeen
Army officers and 503 soldiers were injured. So were 47 sailors.
Thus, 741 soldiers and sailors were killed in Pooneryn.
The second major debacle came when the Army launched
"Operation Agni Khiela" (or Rod of Fire) on April 25,
2001. This incident occurred during the early stages of Norwegian
peace facilitation. At first five officers and 152 soldiers were
declared dead. On April 28 the International Committee of the Red
Cross (ICRC) handed over 30 bodies that were given to them by the
LTTE. A further 26 bodies were handed over on April 29 but were
unidentifiable. They were buried at a location in Anuradhapura north
with full military honours. The total dead thus became 213 officers
and soldiers.
And now, Muhamalai has become the subject of a
tug-of-war between the Government and the LTTE. At the renewed Geneva
peace talks last weekend (October 28 and 29), guerrilla political
wing leader S.P. Thamilselvan pleaded strongly that the A-9 highway
be opened and offered guarantees. This in effect meant the opening
of the Muhamalai gateway. The gateway at Omanthai, north of Vavuniya,
remains open but traffic to the Jaffna peninsula cannot pass.
Muhamalai became the topic that dominated discussions
during peace talks in Geneva. They ended inconclusively. The reason:
The LTTE wanted the A-9 (the Muhamalai gateway) re-opened. The Government
flatly refused. The result: The LTTE declared it would not agree
to any further dates for peace talks. This has not only plunged
a nation and the international community in uncertainty but also
raised fears of a return to the battlefield again. Now, to how things
fared in Geneva.
The leader of the Government delegation, Nimal
Siripala de Silva's opening statement was much lengthier than his
counterpart, S.P. Thamilselvan. In that he revealed that since the
last Geneva talks that began on February 24 until October 17, a
total of 897 Security Forces personnel were killed. He said the
LTTE have been responsible for a total of 1363 killings including
civilians in the same period. His speech was 11 pages compared to
Mr. Thamilselvan's seven.
Closed door sessions began with a statement by
Mr. Thamilselvan. He said the LTTE had agreed to talk with the Government
of Sri Lanka on core issues. From their point of view, the two important
core issues were the humanitarian crisis in the North and the closure
of the A-9 highway thus trapping 600,000 civilians inside. They
were undergoing untold hardships. After discussion of these matters,
he said, they could move over to political issues.
He claimed that whilst he was speaking in Geneva,
preparations were being made in areas ahead of LTTE defended localities
in the North for more battles. Shelling was under way. He wanted
those present to recognize the need to address humanitarian issues,
ensure the fighting is ended to discuss political issues. If this
was not done, he pointed out, that the talks would become a failure.
Mr. Thamilselvan said the Government had repeatedly
re-iterated its commitment to adhere to the provisions of the Ceasefire
Agreement. Clause 2 of the CFA had emphasized the need to resort
to confidence building measures. One such measure would have to
be the re-opening of the A-9 highway to Jaffna peninsula, a benefit
the public in the area had enjoyed for a considerable time. He charged
that military operations were being conducted. An embargo of food,
medicine and other essential items has been slapped on the people
in a subtle way. This is a serious violation of a basic human requirement.
He said he would, on behalf of the LTTE, make
a fervent appeal to the Sri Lanka delegation. That was in the presence
of Norwegian peace facilitators and the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission.
They were fully prepared, prepared 100 per cent, to adhere to the
CFA and offer security and other guarantees if the Government would
open the A-9 highway to Jaffna. The LTTE leadership has made it
very clear that the core issues constitute the humanitarian issues
and the closure of the highway. Mr. Thamilselvan said if the two
sides continued to accuse each other of wrong doings in the past
and placed blame on each other over various issues, that would become
an exercise in futility. Therefore, he argued, the Government of
Sri Lanka should co-operate.
A strong response to Mr. Thamilselvan's statement
came from the head of the Government delegation, Minister de Silva.
He said the Government was doubtful of LTTE's assertions to adhere
to the CFA one hundred per cent. They talk of confidence building
exercises. It was only the previous day the LTTE was firing artillery
at Security Forces positions in Muhamalai. Mere words, he said,
would not bring confidence over the LTTE. He said the Government
had to be careful, act with caution and great restraint. He said
the Government delegation was not in Geneva succumbing to international
pressure. It was only out of its commitment to search for peace.
To achieve peace the Government would go to any length.
Mr. de Silva said the A-9 highway had remained
shut for many years. At present, the Entry-Exit point at Omanthai
was very much open. It was only Muhamalai end that was closed. Since
food, medicine and other supplies was the issue at question, he
said, the Government had given Norway's International Development
Minister Erik Solheim, an alternative route. When this was done,
the LTTE had switched position. They had said those living in the
Wanni had extended families in the Jaffna peninsula and vice versa.
Therefore, they had used this excuse to have the Muhamalai Entry-Exit
point re-opened.
He accused the LTTE of recruiting children and
bringing them to Wanni for training. Grenade and other attacks were
being carried out on Security Forces positions. The LTTE says they
are ready to comply with assurances. The Government has to see for
two to three weeks whether they are capable of complying with the
assurances they have given like fully adhering to the CFA. He said
the Government of Sri Lanka will not order its troops to engage
in any offensive military action. However, they would do so only
if the LTTE resorted to such action or provoked the military.
Mr de Silva accused the LTTE of ordering traders
in the Jaffna peninsula not to sell essential consumer goods. This
was a ruse to force the Government to distribute such goods only
through co-operative societies. That would have made them more scarce
and caused hardships to civilians.
He said that irrespective of the existence of
the CFA or otherwise, it was the bounden duty of the Government
to ensure that the humanitarian needs of all its citizens are met.
This is irrespective of caste and creed. He said the A-9 is not
altogether closed and supplies reach up to Muhamalai. The LTTE attacked
the Muhamalai Entry-Exit point on August 11. The facilities there
were destroyed. The SLMM has determined it was a violation of the
CFA. Even now, the LTTE was directing artillery fire at the Security
Forces from its localities in Muhamalai. This raises questions over
LTTE intentions.
He said the Government's good intentions were
shown clearly, when it moved to send supplies by ships. The LTTE
did not co-operate. The Government asked the ICRC to escort these
ships but the LTTE refused them permission to fly their (ICRC) flag.
The ICRC is still waiting for approval.
He said the Government wanted to flood the peninsula
with all supplies and demonstrate its commitment to the people.
But the LTTE was standing in the way. President Mahinda Rajapaksa
even wrote to UN Secretary General Kofi Annan asking his intervention
to fly the UN flags on ships carrying supplies to the North. He
read out the contents of the letter.
The Sunday Times learnt that the move earned the
ire of the Government's erstwhile partner, the Janatha Vimukthi
Peramuna (JVP). The matter had been discussed at its Politburo meeting.
They were of the view that flying a UN flag would amount to public
admission of the Government's gross inability to use the shipping
lanes off the north east coast under the Sri Lankan flag.
Mr. de Silva declared that the Government was
prepared to discuss humanitarian issues together with other important
topics. He said media reports were not the criteria. The needs of
the people would have to be addressed. Violations were taking place
in conflict zones in Iraq and Afghanistan too. That, however, did
not mean it should happen in Sri Lanka. But, solutions to conflicts
cannot be evolved as quickly as cooking instant noodles. There were
a plethora of inter twining issues in the Sri Lankan conflict. Even
in the case of Palestine, it was settled but it erupted again. Therefore,
he told the LTTE, not to say 'we want this today, or otherwise everything
would be over.'
He said the Government had to be cautious and
act with restraint.
Mr. Thamilselvan in his response was to repeat
his plea to re-open the A-9 highway. He said the LTTE's assurances
must be accepted and tested by the Government. He said he wanted
to look into the eyes of the Government delegation and pose a question
- do you want the Tamil people to continue to suffer the miseries
they are undergoing? The Government accused the LTTE but both parties
have violated the CFA. The Head of SLMM and his team were present
at the talks. One party cannot be blamed for all the violations.
Hence, they should provide the people of the North with a peace
dividend by opening the A-9 highway, he said.
He wanted to know whether blockades were placed
on people in the South, in places like Colombo or Matara. He argued
that the LTTE represented a population that has been subjected to
war for nearly three decades. Their cadres came from a generation
that took up arms to win what he called freedom of movement. The
people acknowledged the LTTE as their representatives.
Minister of Enterprise Development and Investment
Promotion Rohitha Bogollagama endorsed the statements made earlier
by Erik Solheim on the suggested parameters for the talks - Humanitarian,
de-escalation, political settlement, A-9 highway, Geneva talks from
February until now. He said as Mr. Thamilselvan had appreciated,
the Government was building a southern consensus. That was why the
United National Party was brought in through a Memorandum of Understanding.
He said the Government wanted to evolve a national agenda to solve
matters of serious concern for the two sides.
He said what was advocated by the LTTE should
be put to test. He said the Government has to overcome issues and
did not plan to keep the roads closed for ever. He said meeting
the requirements of the 600,000 civilians in the North was a test
for the Government of Sri Lanka. This is in terms of meeting their
needs. He said that they should work on these options rather than
talking of re-opening A-9 highway, particularly in view of the security
situation concerning Muhamalai.
Minister of Trade, Commerce, Consumer Affairs
and Marketing Development, Jeyaraj Fernandopulle declared that citizens
in the North were not interested whether their essential needs came
by the A-9 highway or by sea. What they wanted was the items. He
said he would extend a guarantee that Jaffna will be flooded with
goods within the next two weeks. Giving statistics of supplies sent
to the area, Mr. Fernandopulle admitted there was a shortage that
amounted to some 25 per cent. He revealed that private traders in
Jaffna who were invited to travel to Colombo to obtain their requirements
had refused. They were more frightened about the exorbitant taxes
the LTTE would impose.
He said that opening of the A-9 highway is out
of the question at present. If the LTTE was concerned about the
people, then it should allow the ships to go to the North. They
should help the Government to move the needs of the people. He said
the Government was willing to talk about the A-9 issue later.
Mr. Fernandopulle noted that as against 2,000
State sector employees in the Jaffna peninsula, there were 10,000
of them in "uncleared" Wanni. The Government was paying
them though they were working for the LTTE. The Government has not
reduced the budgetary allocations for the North.
Mr. Thamilselvan said that for a moment they should
forget about discussing issues like food and the modes of transport.
They should revert to a discussion of the CFA. He said the Agreement
provided for the opening of the A-9 highway. Even if one is to forget
all the issues, he said, the euphoria of the opening of A-9 highway
is an important issue for the Tamil people. If the SLMM is allowed
into the area and monitor the working of the A-9 highway, transport
by sea would not be necessary. He said at present it appeared that
there was a Government blockade of Tamil people.
He said it was now opportune to ascertain from
the Government of Sri Lanka whether they have ceased to adhere to
the CFA. It was also pertinent to ask whether the Government accepted
the articles of the CFA in toto beginning from the preamble to the
end.
Joining in was B. Mahendran, better known by his nom de guerre Nadesan,
the "Police Chief" of "Tamil Eelam." He said
the real reason why the Government was refusing to open the A-9
highway was because there was a hidden military agenda. He claimed
that even the Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) and International
Non Governmental Organisations (INGOs) operating in the North were
aware of this. He charged that the Government wanted to keep the
people of Jaffna in an open prison camp. He argued that as claimed
if the Government cared for the people in the North, they should
open the A-9 highway. Minister Fernandopulle had referred to statistics.
What the LTTE was concerned was freedom of movement and not statistics.
The families of people living in the North have been separated from
each other.
Minister de Silva hit back by accusing the LTTE
delegation of constantly shifting positions. They were now saying
food supplies did not form the issue and were claiming it was family
re-union. He said the LTTE accused the Government of having a military
agenda. It was the LTTE that had one. This was why they were transporting
bombs. If they did not attack Muhamalai on August 11, this situation
would not have come about. He said Tamil professionals were not
willing to work in LTTE held areas for fear of what he called military
oppression. This was the case with doctors who were reluctant to
go to Wanni. This is why the Government delegation had wanted to
discuss issues like democracy, pluralism, allowing dissent and thus
alleviate the sufferings of the people in the North.
Minister of Housing and Construction Ferial Ashraff
noted that a lot has been said about the CFA. But the agreement
has not served the interests of the Muslims in the East. The LTTE
had attacked them unmercifully in the Batticaloa and Trincomalee
districts. She said she would appeal to the LTTE to allow other
communities to live peacefully. This is without their being cleansed.
Mr. Thamilselvan acknowledged the sufferings of
the Muslim people. He said the LTTE was now looking at ways and
means of rebuilding confidence with the Muslims. He then switched
again to the A-9 issue. He said using sea lanes to transport supplies
was cumbersome. He wanted the Government to remember that the LTTE
was able to sit down and engage their delegation in a discussion
because of the Norwegian facilitator and the SLMM. It was this factor
that has provided the opportunity for them to meet and discuss issues
in Geneva. He said the LTTE would make an open declaration before
them that they are prepared to implement the CFA. It is now opportune
for the Government of Sri Lanka to seize this occasion. Now the
architect of the CFA is also on your side, he said referring to
the United National Party (UNP) extending support to the Government.
He noted that during talks in Geneva in February,
this year, the Government agreed to put an end to all activities
by paramilitary groups. This was with the assistance of the SLMM
and in accordance with the Ceasefire Agreement. There were no results.
Pleading ignorance on the non existence of paramilitary groups is
not good enough, he said.
Mr de Silva charged that the LTTE was deviating
from the main issues. No, we are not going to do that (opening of
the A-9 highway), he said. He said the Government will not deviate.
The Government had expected a more responsible statement from the
LTTE. They were confining themselves to only peripheral issues,
he added.
He declared that the Geneva talks were no doubt
a victory for both sides. The warring parties were engaging in talks
on humanitarian and political issues. Such an engagement was not
there during earlier times. But de Silva, a lawyer, declared the
talks cannot be construed as a court house where sentence is passed
after their actions are judged. The LTTE was accusing the Government
of imprisoning people. What has the LTTE done to the people in Kilinochchi,
he asked. They are watched closely and are not allowed to move out
without their permission. That was their freedom of movement.
These were some of the significant highlights
of two days of talks between the Government and the LTTE in Geneva.
One of the most important, if not the highly critical factor that
emerges from this latest dialogue is the lack of trust in one another.
That too in the presence of interlocutors. No peace talks can succeed
in such an environment.
The Government's insistent refusal to open A-9
highway (or the Muhamalai Entry-Exit point) is clearly based on
security considerations. It does not want the gateway to become
the route for the transfer of guerrillas, including suicide cadres
from the Wanni together with weapons into the Jaffna peninsula.
In this instance, one can argue that the Government is not altogether
incapable of adopting tougher measures against this threat at Muhamalai.
They have both the strength and the resources to do so.
On the other hand, the LTTE does not want to provide
any security guarantees for the use of sea lanes to transport food,
fuel, medicine and other requirements to the North. It does not
want to curtail the activities of Sea Tigers, an outfit that remains
intact despite the recent battles.
Neither Sri Lankans, nor the outside world, expected
a dramatic settlement to the ethnic issue during two days of talks
in Geneva. However, they hoped, and hoped fervently that there would
be more rounds of talks in the coming months - a move that would
have brought about a prolonged lull in fighting. Such a lull would
have eased tensions, created a better political and economic climate.
Such hopes were further bolstered by the signing of the MoU between
the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and the main opposition
United National Party (UNP). But they have now faded away.
After the Geneva talks, the Government is accusing
the guerrillas of provocative action. The Air Force has resumed
air raids on rebel targets in the North and East. Of particular
significance are the targets bombed in Kilinochchi. On Friday the
Tokyo Donor Co-chairs, (the European Union, Japan, Norway and the
United States) who form the largest aid givers to Sri Lanka, expressed
their "deep regret" over the bombing in the guerrilla
stronghold where five civilians were killed. A statement from them
noted that the explosion also damaged the Kilinochchi District Hospital
and caused patients to flee.
It does not take a military pundit or a soothsayer
to say it.
It would be a reasonable guess that retaliatory
strikes from the LTTE would be a strong possibility. Thus, the Government's
expectations of waiting for "two or three weeks" to decide
on the A-9 highway at Muhamalai may become too little too late.
They may find the resumed Eelam War IV in full swing. The critical
question therefore is whether the A-9 highway is the end of the
road for the peace process.
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