Govt. tossed about in crisis after crisis

• US gives tough warning on human rights and media freedom issues
• Boucher Jaffna meeting with Uthayan bosses
• UNP launches agitation campaign and unveils formula for peace process

By Our Political Editor

It came in the backdrop of a worsening economy and a new, frightening phase of the ongoing undeclared Eelam War IV. The world's only superpower, the United States of America, delivered a strong message to the Mahinda Rajapaksa Administration - ameliorate human rights conditions, rein in paramilitary groups and respect media freedom. That seemed the recipe to avoid global isolation.

These were highlights of what Ambassador Richard A. Boucher, Assistant Secretary for South and Central Asian Affairs in the State Department, told President Mahinda Rajapaksa during a meeting on Thursday at 'Temple Trees'. He was in Sri Lanka on a three-day visit to express the Bush Administration's serious concerns over developments in Sri Lanka. Several leading US lawmakers, both from Republicans to rival Democrats, had expressed reservations in the past many months.

The suave diplomat that he is, Boucher maintained extreme cordiality and courtesy during his dialogue with Rajapaksa. In fact, his introductory remarks reiterated the US Government's commitment to help Sri Lanka face the threat of terrorism. Then he began to list out the US Government's concerns over a variety of critical issues.

Later at a news conference that ended his visit, Boucher did not hide his feelings. "I am concerned about the way things have been heading," he declared. He said he talked quite a bit about the human rights situation with Rajapaksa. "There are two aspects that concern us. One is abductions and killings, and the other is the freedom of the press," he said.

Highlighting US concerns about media freedom, Boucher said, "We've seen a lot of different reports. We've seen reports of intimidation, reports of government power being used on newspapers and journalists; and then, of course, we've seen killings and violent acts committed against newspapers and journalists."

The first responsibility for human rights, he said, falls with the Government, falls with the country, and falls with the people. "A free press is a vital part of that, but also organizations like the Human Rights Commission and other organizations on the island have to be active in monitoring the human rights situation," he added.

Boucher emphasized, "We need action to try to move the situation forward - forward toward peace, forward toward respect for justice for all the people of Sri Lanka." In his introductory remarks, he declared, "we come here knowing that people here are basically committed to the same goals and the same values as we have, and our goal is to work with them to find a way forward, to find the avenues for peace and the basis for negotiations and peace."

Even before Boucher set foot on Sri Lankan soil, his visit had led to concerns in influential sections of the Government where the growth of a brand new culture is manifest. That is one where foreign dignitaries meeting or interacting with those who are "enemies" or perceived as enemies of the Government are looked upon with contempt and scorn. Those holding dissenting views are painted black.

At the Government Parliamentary Group meeting chaired by President Rajapaksa, some parliamentarians raised the issue of Boucher meeting the management and the staff of Uthayan, the leading Tamil newspaper in Jaffna. The MPs were unhappy. Some charged the newspaper group was pro-LTTE. Others added the newspaper did not support the military's role in the north. Yet, it had functioned over the years.

One of them said the meeting between Boucher and the Uthayan staff should not have been allowed. Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollagama was late to arrive. President Rajapaksa was to ask Bogollagama whether Boucher was going to the Uthayan office. "Yes, Sir" he replied. The President asked why such permission was granted. He asked his Foreign Minister whether a Sri Lankan dignitary visiting the United States would have been afforded the same opportunity.

Even if no one responded, in a country like the US the answer would have been an unmistakable "yes". In fact, it was customary for visiting heads of state to have a breakfast meeting with publishers and staff of the Washington Post. The late J.R. Jayewardene took part in such a meeting when he visited Washington in June 1984. When that ended, Sri Lankan diplomats were pleased with the outcome. J.R. Jayewardene had excelled in the dialogue quoting history and in exposing, sharp political acumen, wit and wisdom. He had done the country proud. But those were the days when press releases were not used where proactive dialogue was required.
Bogollagama said, "I take the full responsibility Sir".

He asked whether the Foreign Ministry should tell the United States Embassy in Colombo to ask Boucher not to visit Uthayan. Rajapaksa said that was not the issue. He was also not in favour of any moves to call off the visit. He told Bogollagama to be mindful of allowing similar visits when foreign dignitaries come to Sri Lanka. President Rajapaksa also directed that the leader of the Eelam People's Democratic Party (EPDP) and Minister, Douglas Devananda, be sent to Jaffna to be on hand during Boucher's visit.

The sequel to the Parliamentary Group discussion came when Boucher, US Ambassador Robert Blake and other officials arrived in Jaffna. The Army had made clear they were not in favour of allowing Boucher and entourage to travel from point to point for their meetings due to "security considerations". Hence, the US team was advised to locate themselves at one point. Thus, a visit to Uthayan was avoided.

The Publisher of Uthayan, E. Saravanapavan and Editor of Uthayan, veteran Tamil journalist M. V. Kaanamylnathan, were escorted by an armed police party to the Bastian Guest House where they met Boucher and his entourage. During the 30-minute meeting Saravanapavan was to detail out the problems faced by his newspaper group including Government's refusal to allow newsprint to be transported to Jaffna and the murder of five Uthayan journalists since May last year. Human rights groups in Jaffna were to follow suit. Later in Colombo, Boucher met a group of Editors, hand picked by the US Embassy. Some of them briefed Boucher on intimidation and threats faced by the media. The criticism centered on the powerful official .

Just 24 hours before the Boucher-Rajapaksa meeting, the National Security Council which met at Temple Trees also addressed many important issues including the new air threat posed by Tiger guerrillas. Some of them related to ones Boucher was to raise later, like abductions, kidnappings and how safe conditions were now for the media. However, the Boucher-Rajapaksa dialogue on these subjects reflected an entirely different course from what the NSC discussed. For obvious reasons the details cannot be spelt out.

Even the main opposition United National Party (UNP), always in fits and starts blowing hot and cold periodically, had its tales of woe for Boucher. UNP and Opposition leader Ranil Wickremesinghe met him together with Ravi Karunanayake and Bradman Weerakoon. Boucher was accompanied by Ambassador Blake, who, by-the-way, turns 50 today.

The 55-minute Wickremesinghe-Boucher meeting was to cover a lot of ground treaded earlier during Boucher's itinerary. Asked what the UNP could do in the current situation in the country, Wickremesinghe replied there was not much the Party could do to influence events at this juncture. Then, he went on to reiterate the party's latest line - to oust Defence Secretary retired Lt. Col. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa. They want him replaced with a former Army Chief of Staff and diplomat, Major General (retd.) Janaka Perera. If the former military top brass had taken great pains to articulate in sections of the media that he had no link to the UNP, or none for the moment, he is yet to react to moves by the UNP to foist him to the top defence post. Like his measured ambiguity when one political party suggested he contests the 2005 Presidential elections, whether he hopes an appointment would materialize soon is not clear. But President Rajapaksa, who assigned the country's military machine to his own brother Gotabhaya has laughed off the UNP calls for Perera. It was his, and only his prerogative to name a Defence Secretary in terms of the Constitution, he told confidants.

Boucher asked Wickremesinghe about the ruling Sri Lanka Freedom Party's (SLFP) devolution proposals. The UNP leader promptly gave him a copy of SLFP's 1984 proposals and said they were almost the same - the message being that the SLFP had not moved forward since.

Boucher also explained the US Government's concerns over human rights issues and on media freedom in Sri Lanka. He said he had chosen not to issue any statements after a meeting later with envoys of member countries of Donor Co-Chairs - the US, Britain, the European Union, Norway and Japan. A formal meeting of the Co-chairs is to be held in the next few weeks in Colombo with India also taking part as an observer.

Such a meeting is expected to assume greater significance in the light of the Government making available to New Delhi a copy of the SLFP proposals. It was carried by President's Secretary, Lalith Weeratunga who handed it over to the Principal Secretary of the Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. The Sri Lankan President had explained the rationale behind the SLFP's proposals to the Indian PM. He had asked Weeratunga to explain the salient features of these proposals to his official counterpart so that the fuller facts can be placed before Singh. India's High Commissioner in Sri Lanka, Alok Prasad has returned to New Delhi for consultations amidst reports that the Government in New Delhi is to issue a formal statement on the proposals. It is widely known in diplomatic circles in Colombo that New Delhi is displeased with it.

In a hard-hitting statement early this week, the UNP charged that the "growing political and military crisis in Sri Lanka had demonstrated the bankruptcy of the Mahinda Chinthana. Paying pooja to an empty slogan and lighting incense to cardboard heroes has put the country's future in jeopardy." The statement said, "In the past the Government of Sri Lanka was respected internationally for its adherence to democracy and its respect for human rights. This differentiated us from the terrorist activities of the LTTE. Today, the Mahinda Chinthana Government is competing with the LTTE in (i) violating human rights through its abductions and disappearances (ii) suppressing the free media and (iii) undermining democracy.

On Thursday, the UNP launched what it called its "agitational campaign" against the Rajapaksa Presidency from Gampola . It was also its belated May Day rally, which it put off on the basis of Vesak. Wickremesinghe was then abroad visiting Croatia and Austria. At Gampola, he announced ten more meetings in the coming weeks and street protest campaigns to take the message of the UNP to the people.

This, at a time when Wickremesinghe is being accused by the Government of going around the world foul-mouthing the Rajapaksa administration, especially on the twin issues of its human rights and media freedom records. The ire has increased with Wickremesinghe leading a UNP delegation to China and Tibet. The fact that Beijing is wanting to forge closer ties with the UNP, barely months after the Rajapaksa visit to China with the largest official entourage, has piqued many in power. Some felt that China, regarded by the Rajapaksa Administration as a close ally, was also doing what they called a "balancing act". Of course, Wickremesinghe is not alone in his criticism. Now the world's only superpower has endorsed what he and his party have been saying. Asked by Boucher during talks on what the UNP had to resolve the ethnic conflict, Wickremesinghe was prepared with an answer.
Just that morning the UNP had announced its official position. They are:

* Protecting Sri Lanka's territorial integrity and sovereignty of the people.
* Opposing terrorism in all its manifestations.
* Negotiating a political settlement for a long-lasting peace acceptable to all communities which accommodates their legitimate aspirations. Such a settlement must be approved by the people at a referendum.
* Upholding of human rights by all parties including carrying out investigations into the abductions and disappearances, and the removal of the culture of impunity. This implies the effective implementation of the undertakings given by the Government in this regard to the international community.
* The immediate resolution of outstanding humanitarian issues, including the prompt rehabilitation of internally displaced persons. The Government to provide full co-operation to the international humanitarian organizations to carry out these tasks.
* Guaranteeing of all democratic rights. This should include the immediate appointment of the Constitutional Council and a resolution of the other issues affecting governance.
* The Government submitting credible power-sharing proposals that can form the basis of a viable negotiated settlement without any further delay.
* The Co-chairs and India to arrange for an immediate cessation of the conflict and a resumption of talks between the Government and the LTTE.
* Coming to an agreement with the international donor community on the support to be given to Sri Lanka if the LTTE fails to respond positively to the programmes.

The UNP is relying heavily on international backing to deal with the LTTE, a subject the guerrillas did not like. Its leader Velupillai Prabhakaran himself is on record saying Wickremesinghe tried to trick him through an international safety net. This was a give away as to why the LTTE helped in Rajapaksa's victory over Wickremesinghe at the 2005 Presidential elections. With the Government getting virtually isolated in the international community with even strong allies like China reaching out to Wickremesinghe, it still remains to be seen whether the UNP will grasp the opportunity or continue to blow hot and cold.

After Rajapaksa spoke with Ven. Elle Gunawansa Thera to express his displeasure over the British House of Commons debating the situation in Sri Lankan, the Sri Lanka Deshabimani Peramuna staged a demonstration. Rajapaksa also spoke to the JVP leadership. By this time the JVP had already decided on a protest.

A demonstration by JVP leaders including Vijitha Herath and Wimal Weerawansa was held outside the British High Commission bringing traffic to a halt, JVP supporters thronged in large numbers to shout slogans. There were tense moments when Jack O'Regan, a High Commission official dealing with security related matters, came out to accept a JVP petition. Herath wanted an official from the Political Division. He went in and returned to say they were busy. Whilst the stand off continued, a JVP member went to a nearby grocery store to ask for cellotape. The shop owner asked why he needed it and was told it was to paste the JVP letter on the High Commission gate. He gave it free of charge. By the time a political officer arrived, it had already been pasted on the gate.

All these developments take place at a time when the country's economy is taking a severe beating. On Friday, fuel prices were increased again. This is the result of the rupee value to the US dollar depreciating. If it was in the region of Rs 100 to a dollar when Rajapaksa assumed office, it has now reached Rs 111. Needless to say the Cost of Living will rise again with prices of all food items and commodities increasing. The closure of the airport during nights had delayed the work of courier companies. As a result, tea exporters are unable to send their samples to foreign buyers on time. Tourist arrivals had taken a drastic drop. Four successive air raids by the LTTE in just within a month have pushed the ongoing undeclared Eelam War IV into a frightening phase. More equipment for air defence would cost substantial amounts of money for cash starved Government. This brings to the fore allegations of those in and out of uniform getting rich through corrupt deals where transparency is sadly lacking.

That is why the coming weeks and months are challenging times for Sri Lanka. It is imperative that a Government buckles down to tackle all issues instead of getting away by blaming all and sundry except itself. It is equally imperative in a vibrant democracy for the opposition to keep the pressure on the Government to rectify its faults in the interest of the public. There are many countries in the world that have fallen into anarchy due to absence of checks and balances. Sri Lanka has had more than its share of natural and man made catastrophes. Its high time national interest takes precedence over self interest or personal well being.