Gardihewage Sarath Chandralal Fonseka, the former Commander of the Army and later the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), became an icon of heroism after May, this year, for leading troops to military victory against Tiger guerrillas.
President Percy Mahinda Rajapaksa decorated and rewarded him with land, money and a luxury car. Barely six months later, armed with that new glory and some of the wealth, he ended a 40-year military career. He knocked at the door of the United National Party (UNP). He told his initial contact, an MP from the Sabaragamuwa Province, of his bitterness with one time close ally, Defence Secretary, Gotabhaya Rajapakasa. He said he wanted to "expose" the Rajapaksa family and their activities. In fact, when he called at 'Temple Trees', for the last time to say his farewell, President Rajapaksa told him that some of the "ugly" things he uttered were on tape.
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| Gen. Sarath Fonseka in Kandy, formally kick-starting his election campaign.
Pix by Gemunu Wellage and J. Weerasekera. |
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| President Mahinda Rajapaksa greeting the crowd at Rajagiriya on Nomination Day. |
A reporter of a Sunday English newspaper had carried a CDMA telephone, said to be in the name of a different party and used by the then Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), to the MP concerned. When the first conversation was over, there was so much elation. Neither the reporter nor the parliamentarian could contain their excitement. The former confided in some of his friends. The MP conveyed the General's overtures to his party leaders and confessed, "My legs began to shiver when I heard the General speak to me. You must listen to the really shocking things he told me."
Even if UPFA leaders refused to believe this to be happening, behind-the-scene negotiations continued with the Opposition. Though his image had waned slightly, Opposition parties realised that no candidate among them could offer a strong challenge to Rajapaksa. He was still popular for the military defeat of Tiger guerrillas. Hence, the main Opposition parties were unanimous in their view that the co-partner in that military success, Gen. (retd.) Fonseka was the political diamond that would cut another allotrope of carbon. He became the golden thread that stitched together the opposition parties of various hues and views.
Thus, the war hero, as is history now, emerged as the 'common candidate'. Gen. (retd.) Fonseka joined his political partners in his mission to "expose" the Rajapaksa family and to abolish the fountain from which they drew power - the Executive Presidency. But in the process, the retired General exposed himself also, raising serious questions over his professionalism, credibility and even his integrity.
Exclusive blunder
It was all over last week's Sunday Leader front-page lead story headlined 'Gota ordered them to be shot - General Sarath Fonseka'. The report said: "Common opposition candidate General Sarath Fonseka says Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa instructed a key ground commander in the north that all LTTE leaders must be killed and not allowed to surrender." In the report, tagged EXCLUSIVE the newspaper quoted Gen. Fonseka (retd.), then Commander of the Army, as saying, "he had no information communicated to him in the final days of the war that three key LTTE leaders (Pulidevan, Nadesan and Ramesh) had opted to surrender to Sri Lanka's armed forces as the battle drew to a bloody finish."
The report, described as an 'explosive interview', quoted Gen. Fonseka as saying, "Later, I learnt that Basil (Rajapaksa) had conveyed this information to Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa - who in turn spoke with Brigadier Shavendra Silva, Commander of the Army's 58th Division, giving orders not to accommodate any LTTE leaders attempting to surrender and that "they must all be killed." The news report also quoted Brig. (now Major General) Silva as declining comment.
UPFA leaders were incensed. "Sarath Fonseka's statement betrays the soldiers who sacrificed their lives in the battlefront," declared Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe. National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa charged that the former CDS had "become a part and parcel of a conspiracy to bring President Mahinda Rajapaksa, Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa and other war heroes before an international war tribunal."
Their remarks came at a hurriedly summoned news conference at the Media Centre for National Security (MCNS). Among others taking part were Police Chief Mahinda Balasuriya and Senior DIG Gamini Navaratne. That event was no doubt a knee jerk reaction and not a studied response. A serious lapse was the failure of those who addressed it to react to the pointed accusation that the guerrillas who had surrendered were ordered to be killed. That gave rise to fears that the reported claims were indeed true. Of course, this was not the intention of those who took part.
Instead, the focus at the news conference was on the "international conspiracy" (the hobbyhorse of UPFA leaders) and on seeking the Attorney General's advice to indict Gen. Fonseka under provisions of the Official Secrets Act, an archaic law that has existed for more than a century since the colonial era. However, for the past several decades no one has been indicted under it. The accusation against the retired General was that he has now exposed an official secret.
That naturally heightened further suspicions, particularly in Colombo's diplomatic community, that killing the guerrillas who surrendered was an 'official secret'. Government's legal advisors including the Attorney General's Department are still examining the matter. This is whilst the Foreign Ministry has advised Sri Lanka diplomatic missions abroad not to get involved in the issue as international media tried to pick up on the story and renew their mud-slinging campaign on the Sri Lankan Armed Forces.
Nevertheless, Gen. Fonseka's remarks were to cause uproar not only in the military but also amongst the general public. Here was a decorated officer, one who prided himself in saying he had enforced high standards of discipline in the Army, one who was claiming all the credit for the military defeat of the Tiger guerrillas, betraying both his superiors and one of his own subordinate officers, and even the nation. This officer took orders from then Lt. Gen. Fonseka in the conduct of the war. Soon after the military victory, the same General had claimed that 95 per cent of the success should go to the Army, which he commanded.
Now, he was saying a different story. If he is to be believed there were others too who had given orders.
If that is true, how could he then claim sole credit? That contradiction is only one aspect. The anger spread and many who had veered to support the retired General were pouring scorn on him this week. Members of the Buddhist clergy supportive of President Rajapaksa staged a demonstration outside Gen. Fonseka's office. Websites were full of public criticism. There was genuine anger at the remarks from the very section that he expected to win votes. His political immaturity was glaringly exposed in the process.
The news of protests by the Buddhist clergy and a possible attempt to storm his new residence in Kollupitiya (owned by a staunch supporter of the UNF) jolted Gen. Fonseka's team including his security detail. They were worried about confronting a mob and the consequences that would flow. He was moved to the palatial residence of Kotte parliamentarian Ravi Karunanayake located along the Parliament Road.
Monks clash averted
How strange it was. Just months earlier, Karunanayake, was to remark publicly that though Gen. Fonseka said his troops re-captured Alimankada (Elephant Pass) but had only gone to Pamankade (a Colombo zone). They were now strange bedfellows in the same household. However, fears of such an attack, it later turned out, was a false alarm. Earlier, when the clergy gathered outside Gen. Fonseka's office, a group of priests were meeting at Mangala Samaraweera's office at Sri Jayawardenapura-Kotte. They wanted to rush there to stage a counter protest. He stopped it. Samaraweera was also advised by telephone that another group of Buddhist priests were readying to go and confront the monks. He persuaded them not to. The country avoided witnessing for the first time, the possibility of monks clashing with monks over a political issue.
By Monday, a high-pitched UPFA campaign over the former Army Commander's statement was to cause embarrassment to the main Opposition parties backing him. Their representatives met with Gen. Fonseka, Sunday Leader Editor Fredrica Jansz, and its Publisher Lal Wickrematunga to discuss damage control. When Jansz insisted that the account published in her newspaper was accurate, Gen. Fonseka was to confirm he had uttered those words. Pointing to the others present, he added, "However, they are saying it would damage my political campaign."
He was quick to add that a former Lake House journalist, embedded with the troops when the incidents allegedly occurred, had given the information to him. However, this fact was not mentioned in the published interview. He named the journalist to Jansz. He is now part of the media staff for his polls campaign. The man who commanded troops during the separatist war had believed in what his journalist friend, a purported eyewitness, told him.
Jansz refused suggestions that she carry a correction or clarification. She argued that in doing so, she would open herself to both ridicule and even legal action. That was for 'wrongly naming' a distinguished Army officer involved in the operations and had taken orders directly from then Lt. Gen. Fonseka. There were suggestions by participants that a statement 'clarifying' the matter be issued. One suggestion was to say that the remarks were made in an entirely different context. Gen. Fonseka, however, overruled them and said he should hold a news conference. He had his way. The media was summoned to his office at Rajakeeya Mawatha opposite Royal College.
"I take responsibility for what happened at the hands of the military right throughout the war against terrorism. No field commander acted in violation of the law, he declared. Then he went on to charge that the Government was "hurling cooked up allegations against him by misrepresenting" a newspaper interview.
Gen. Fonseka said somewhat feebly thereafter "I heard from a reporter who was with the 58 Brigade in his war reporting, that there was a telephone call from Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa to 58 Brigade Commander Shavendra Silva about attempts by some LTTE leaders to surrender….…" He did not say whether he checked such information or whether they were in fact true.
The moot question here is not so much the truth or otherwise of the Army shooting dead the LTTE cadres who came with white flags to surrender. If indeed there was such a claim, it could be established beyond doubt only after a thorough investigation.
Gen. Fonseka whilst not denying the remarks he made in the interview claims they were "cooked up allegations" by the Government. If what he has said in the interview is wrong, it is none other than he who has cooked it up. Does it not undermine the public confidence he has gained in the past six months, is the question.
Editor Jansz is being wooed, meanwhile, by UPFA leaders and its propaganda machine. The only exception perhaps is the Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa who this week initiated legal action against her newspaper. She told state-run television channels that she stood by the contents of the interview. She also said that she received confirmation that it was correct from Gen. Fonseka. That was during the discussion she had at his office where representatives of opposition political parties were present. However, after she withdrew, the Sunday Times learnt the discussions continued.
Some of the participants suggested that a statement denying the contents of the interview be issued to the media.
Article by ambassador
Elsewhere, sources close to the President's campaign claimed that they had succeeded in getting Gen. Fonseka 'trapped'. They say that they sent to newspapers an article which pointed out the retired general's comments first at his old school at Ambalangoda where he was reported to have said that the usual rules of war had to be dispensed with the last stages of the war, and at a subsequent speech to a group that had gathered at the Washington DC Buddhist Vihara where he said that there were several LTTE cadres remaining in IDP camps and that they needed to be identified and prosecuted.
The article penned by a serving ambassador in Europe argued that Gen. Fonseka was the subject of war crimes inquiries if these statements were true. These persons in the President's camp therefore claim that someone in the media showed this article (which no newspaper published) to him and his interview was implicating both his superiors and his subordinates was to exculpate himself from what might be war crimes.
There is little doubt that the Gen. Fonseka's remarks damaged the reputation of the UPFA Government and even Sri Lanka internationally. Western Governments, which have publicly complained of alleged "war crimes", took note of the developments. This week the matter was raised by the media at the regular Department of State news briefing in Washington D.C. from Philip J. Crowley, their official spokesperson. Here is the question and the response from the official transcript:
"QUESTION: A quick question on Sri Lanka. (Inaudible) former army chief of Sri Lanka and he said that there was live human genocide by the government of Sri Lanka. Hundreds of - or even thousands of people who wanted to surrender, they were ordered to kill live. Anything that you may have or any action? Because there was some kind of investigation maybe by the UN. But what role do you think you -
"MR. CROWLEY: We certainly are aware of the UN investigation. We've been fully supportive of that. I think a report has been submitted.
“I mean, we continue to stress to the Government of Sri Lanka the importance of ending human rights abuses, including media intimidation, investigating and holding accountable those who are responsible for past abuses, pursuing meaningful steps towards dialogue and cooperation with Tamil and other minority communities…………."
Denting Gen. Fonseka's credibility even further was another little known but very important episode, which the Sunday Times is able to reveal today. Last Monday, (just two days before nominations) he hosted a cocktail cum dinner for the media at the Crystal Ballroom of Taj Samudra. The main Opposition parties supporting his candidature had taken note of the four different 'wine and dine' events for Media arranged by President Mahinda Rajapaksa and planned the event meticulously.
Though they booked the ballroom, they kept it a secret and did not send out any printed invitations. They feared the UPFA leaders would get to know and would buckle it. Instead, the opposition parties tasked their own men to telephone media personalities last Saturday to invite them. Two former reporters now in the Fonseka media team, though not tasked, took it upon themselves to phone sections of the media. Some entertained doubts that the callers really represented the hosts and did not turn up. Yet, there were more than 500 media personnel and others present for the bash. An opposition party organiser had paid Rs 270,000 to an outlet in Kollupitiya to buy foreign liquor alone for the event.
Even more important, Sri Lanka Freedom Party (Mahajana Wing) leader Mangala Samaraweera had formulated the text of a speech Gen. Fonseka was to deliver to the media that night. This was with the help of his advisors and after consulting media practitioners. Samaraweera, a former Media Minister, was perceptive enough to focus on some vital aspects. Perhaps he wanted to give their 'common candidate', who faced widespread accusations of cruel attacks, harassment and intimidation of the media, a new image.
It is no secret that Gen. Fonseka poured scorn on state-run television and media branding some journalists as terrorist acolytes and under the pay of the guerrillas. He even spoke about some of them being barred from leaving Sri Lanka. A handful who sang hosannas for him have been shifted out or have quit. Understandably, an image change was needed or so they thought. The all-party opposition committee that oversees statements on policy made by Gen. Fonseka had later unanimously approved the text.
The moderate Opposition parties had wanted to also make use of the opportunity to get Gen. Fonseka to make a policy statement on the media, which he would enforce if, elected President. That statement was to be later incorporated into 'a pledge to the nation' the Opposition parties wanted to place before the public during the election campaign.
Two translations of the English versions had been made. Shiral Laktilleke, a member of Samaraweera's media team, did one. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna had carried out the other. The first copy to reach Gen. Fonseka was the one from the JVP. It is not clear how much this copy was different from that of Laktilleke's translation. Armed with that, he turned up at Taj Samudra somewhat later than scheduled.
As decided by his political backers, Gen. Fonseka did not read out the text given to him. Hence, copies could not be released to the Media after he made the delivery. Gen. Fonseka picked and chose a few paragraphs, mostly unimportant ones from the JVP translation and added some factually incorrect matters, to deliver his speech. A gaffe related to the 'introduction of a Parliamentary Act to ensure the safety and security of journalists', which was not in the original text approved by the committee. He used quotations from Napoleon out of context and added his own bit to what he said.
Here are edited excerpts from that original English text of the speech which Gen. (retd.) Fonseka did not deliver though the text was cleared by the Committee:
"………………..As a career soldier for 42 years before entering the world of politics, I have known the media has played a vital role in our country at all times. You are the bridge between the public and us. You keep them informed, educated and entertained. You mould public opinion.
"That power in a democracy has seen despots voted out, helped win freedom from fear, intimidation and expose the corrupt and the inept. That is why Napoleon Bonaparte said, "A journalist is a censurer, a giver of advice, a regent of sovereigns, and a tutor of nations. Four hostile newspapers are more to be feared than a thousand bayonets." Since he uttered those words, the electronic and now the new media have revolutionised the industry……….
"……….. On most occasions, particularly during election campaigns, one of the promises, which all politicians make, is to ensure media freedom. Once the elections are over, their honeymoon with the media ends. The promises are forgotten and soon the elected perceive the media as their first enemy.….. Therefore, tonight I want to take the opportunity to make some concrete assurances that go beyond the two words that is media freedom.
"When I am elected, I propose to enshrine provisions in the proposed new Constitution to give your profession strong safeguards. I will call upon the Government that will be elected at the parliamentary elections to talk to organisations like the Newspaper Society of Sri Lanka, the Editors' Guild of Sri Lanka, the Free Media Movement, others including organisations representing television, radio and even the new media to discuss and formulate in what form these safeguards should be enshrined. This will be a subject of priority.
"This is besides asking the new Government to pass a Freedom of Information Act. Such a law will give you the right to access to information that is now denied by the State. I will also abolish the pernicious Press Council Act.
"Another area of much neglect by people, who speak of media freedom, is the welfare of those in the industry. The vast majority of our media personnel need improvements to the quality of life they lead. I propose to create a Media Welfare Fund where both the Government and the media outlets will contribute. ………………
"I believe tonight is an appropriate occasion to announce another important step I will take. You are aware; some of your colleagues recently visited a palace built in a plantation area. They were taking photographs to expose corrupt activity and nepotism. However, they ended up being called terrorist suspects, were harassed and intimidated. This is a serious issue……… …..
"……I will ensure media organisations formulate institutional safeguards with all law enforcement agencies to prevent this. I will call upon the media organisations to come up with their requirements and ensure they are enforced in consultation with relevant agencies……
"Bribery and corruption has reached unprecedentedly high levels. A few have become rich on the sacrifices made by our valiant troops. I propose to set up Special Tribunals to deal with them. They should not be misunderstood as Military Tribunals. Serving Judges will be appointed to probe bribery and corruption and to mete out strong punishment. This is after a legal trial….
"We will appoint a Special Prosecutor to head a Division that will have powers to direct investigations, call for declaration of assets and to bring to book those who have made ill-gotten gains. Properties acquired by the corrupt, if it is proved to have been obtained through bribery or corrupt activity, would be confiscated. The probes will cover military procurements both now and in the past………….."
Instead, a three-page leaflet in Sinhala distributed at his first rally in Kandy on Friday titled 'the pledge made before the nation' by Gen. Fonseka made only a three-line reference to the media. Item seven in that, translated into English, said, "He will introduce new laws and abolish the Press Council Act to establish the right to express ideas and disseminate information which is essential in a democratic country. Through this he will have a free media culture in the country." To any observer, this appeared a clear attempt to gloss over media freedom issues with only a general statement on abolishing the Press Council Act.
This document, the Sunday Times learnt, had been drafted by the JVP. Mangala Samaraweera (SLFP - Mahajana Wing) and the others had later endorsed it. From too big a promise that was never made, they have now settled down to too little. Were the moderates subject to insurmountable pressure or did they simply feel it useless to oppose? Either way, it became clear their influence was shrinking.
The prevailing question is whether one of the Opposition parties backing Gen. Fonseka engineered and doctored the text prepared at the last minute? That was after their committee approved it. Have some of the moderate opposition parties supporting him already lost control of Gen. Fonseka to their fiery one time rivals. There are clear signs that the 'common candidate' is increasingly becoming the face of one group. That is even before he handed in his nominations. How would they cope with him, if elected President?
These and a number of questions arise. It gives rise to the suspicion that the parties supporting him are not acting in concert and harmony. Some appear to have already become helpless. Others are jubilant that whether Gen. (retd.) Fonseka wins or not, they have already succeeded.
This is not the first time Gen. Fonseka has embarrassed his political backers. The last occasion was revealed exclusively in these columns in the Sunday Times of November 15. He sent his letter of retirement and an annexure giving 17 reasons to President Rajapaksa. However, the copies of these two documents he gave the opposition political parties and later distributed to the media were quite different.
If the documents given to opposition parties spoke about media freedom and corruption, his original letter, as details given in these columns revealed, did not contain them. Though UPFA leaders fought very shy to respond to the letter and the 17 reasons in the annexure for fear of triggering off an embarrassing exchange, the fact that they were devoid of references to the media or corruption issues became official when Gen. Fonseka filed a Fundamental Rights petition before the Supreme Court. The documents attached to the petition included his real letter seeking retirement and the real annexure giving the 17 reasons for it.
This is particularly important since Gen. Fonseka has faced accusations from UPFA leaders for attacks on the media. They have also accused members of his family of allegedly getting involved in military deals. In what is emerging as a tussle between moderate and hardliners backing the 'common candidate', the former appears to be losing out. "Dan monava karannada. Bendapu berey gahanna wenawa (What to do now other than beat the drum that is fastened)," said a frustrated moderate.
The greater onus would naturally be on United National Front (UNF) leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. He heads the largest component in the UNF, the United National Party (UNP). These issues have been unfolding when he was away from Sri Lanka. He has just returned from yet another overseas trip, this time to New Delhi.
Wickremesinghe would have to convince his UNF supporters, the largest majority in the vote base for January 26 polls, the largest share-holder so to say, that the candidate they are backing will reflect the moderate views of his constituent partners too. He will also have to convince the voters that his political efforts are not hijacked by the political cunning of others.
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