Yes, we have had navies in historic times.
But a modern Navy created to defend us in a war that enveloped the world came into being in only 1937. Its creation had nothing to do with the wishes or needs of the people of “Ceylon” (as we were, then), but those of Britain. The British perception in the 1930s was that there would soon be another war, between a resurgent Germany and the British Empire. Hence the planning and creation of the Navy were unrelated to any domestic imperatives of this country. It is therefore useful to remind ourselves of the socio-political context of those days, to understand the Navy that we got.
Ceylon was, then, yet a Crown Colony governed by a Governor (and not a part of British India which was ruled through its Viceroy). The Defence Forces of Ceylon were, therefore, part of the British Forces and not part of the Indian Army or the Royal Indian Navy. Ceylon had been a Crown Colony ruled by a Governor, appointed by the Secretary of State for Colonies, since 1802. For nearly 100 years, from the Colebrook-Cameron Reforms of 1833, the absolute power of the Governor (though not of the British government) had been modulated – in theory, if not in fact – by the establishment of a Legislative Council composed of his own officials – and a few ineffective but vociferous unofficial members. These were largely urban, anglicized persons from various ethnic groups who, though being educated professional men of ability, had no power at all within the Council.
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| Admiral Lord Louis Mountbatten inspecting men of the CRNVR, with Commanding Officer CRNVR Capt. W.G. Beauchamp |
Over a near-100 years, the number of Unofficial Members in Council increased in number, though not in power. They were appointed – not elected – on the basis of education, profession and wealth. Around the turn of the century, some were, for the first time, elected by an electorate comprised of their peers.
They were termed “Educated Ceylonese”. The Empire ‘fully intended’ to pass on more powers to this Legislative Council and indicated that self-government was ‘a distinct possibility at some date to be decided on’. In the late 1920s, yet another Constitutional Commission was appointed but, by this time, several fissures had surfaced in the social fabric. One was the issue of class, which divided the English-educated “landed aristocracy” from the great majority of those who did not belong to these categories and who considered the privileged group as hangers-on of the British. The other issue, springing from the first, was the growth of nationalism led by ethnic and religious movements as a counter to the privileged, and largely Christian, sector.
At the time the new Commission arrived, the Ceylonese were already divided on the bases of ethnicity (a heritage of British benevolence, warmly embraced by us today) and class (education, profession and wealth: a heritage of the “educated Ceylonese”). The Ceylon National Congress, modelled on the Indian National Congress, represented the latter, and the Tamil Congress and the Sinhala Maha Sabha represented the former. Even Sports Clubs were ethnic, as apparent by their names: the Sinhalese Sports Club, the Tamil Union, the Burgher Recreational Club and the Moors Sports Club, for example, and the Colombo Cricket Club for “Europeans only”).
In contrast there were two political movements of a distinctly anti-establishment nature. One movement was the Labour Party (LP) modelled on the British party of that name, which had organized the first successful industrial strike (at the Wellawatte Spinning Mills) in 1925. The other was a group of Marxist Parties, such as the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), a Trotskyite party which carried on an anti-war campaign in the 1930s and 1940s; the Ceylon Communist Party (CP) which adopted an anti-war stance till Soviet Russia joined the Allies; and the Ceylon Branch of the Bolshevik-Leninist Party of India (BLPI) which later merged with the LSSP.
The Donoughmore Commission came out to Ceylon in the late 1920s, in the wake of the acceptance of universal adult franchise in Britain. It included a Scottish peer, Sir Hugh Drummond-Shiels, who was keen to grant universal adult franchise to the Ceylonese, if they would only ask for it: but none of the major parties did. Ultimately it was the lone voice of the small Labour Party that was seized upon as the proverbial straw by the Commission. Thus, in 1931, Ceylon found itself with a “State Council” with a majority of representatives (“Members of the State Council”, or M.S.C.) elected by universal adult franchise; a Board of Ministers with a Leader of the House; elected Speaker and Deputy Speaker; yet lacking power over Finance, Administration, Justice and Foreign Affairs, which were in the hands of the Governor’s Chief Secretary, Financial Secretary and Legal Secretary. The State Council remained in place till 1947.
Both de facto and de jure, Ceylon remained a Crown Colony, even though the State Council was a major step towards Dominion Status. Unfortunately, racial politics led to the Tamil cry for “50-50”, or parity of status between Sinhalese and Tamils. This was strongly objected to by the Sinhalese, and the other ethnic groups which, though represented in the State Council, were not included in this formula. The bulk of the people were more involved in this issue and showed no interest in war. The LSSP even proposed a “Suriya Mal Campaign” to replace “Poppy Day” which it dismissed as an imperialist ploy.
Thus there was no grass-roots call for the creation of a Navy in the 1930s. In fact there was – as was to be expected – an undertow of resentment against the British, our colonial masters. It was in this socio-political context that Ceylon was called upon to raise a naval force.
During the First World War, although the bulk of the fighting had taken place in Europe, the Indian Ocean area had not been immune from German influence and, more specifically, from German Naval influence. The raider "Emden" had penetrated the Indian Ocean and preyed on Allied shipping: rumour had it that she had landed boats off the remoter coasts of this island in search of fresh provisions. The merchantman Worcestershire had been sunk off Colombo in 1917 after hitting a mine set by a German Commerce Raider. Harbour Tugs “Sampson” and “Goliath” had been pressed into service and fitted out as auxiliary minesweepers to sweep the approaches to Colombo: later, more tugs from India had been brought down. It seems to have been decided soon after the war, that any future plans for the protection of the island's coast should include the formation of a Volunteer Naval Unit.
The Commanding Officer, Ceylon Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve (CRNVR) forwarding a brief history of his unit to the Supreme Allied Commander, South East Asian Command (SACSEAC) on the occasion of the latter's visit to CRNVR Head-quarters on 29th March, 1946, described the origin of this decision as follows:
"Two years after the conclusion of the Great War 1914/18 the question of the formation of a Ceylon Volunteer Unit, with a view to training of personnel in minesweeping duties and general seamanship, was discussed. No substantial conclusions were arrived at and it was not until 1930 that the matter was brought up again".
By this time, developments in Europe left no room for complacency in England and the possibility of war in the near future was, seriously considered. In this sombre atmosphere the Imperial Defence Conference met in London in 1932 and, after deliberations laid down the guiding principle that each part of the Empire would be responsible for its own defence. It was to apply to all Dominions, Colonies or Protectorates, and each one was to assume its own responsibility as soon as it was able to do so. Each had a contribution to make towards an integrated Imperial Defence Policy.
As the thirties progressed, the fears of impending war grew and, in Ceylon "a group of interested parties" canvassed the idea of a Volunteer Naval Force. Their efforts finally bore fruit when the Governor sanctioned the Naval Volunteer Force Ordinance No 1 of 1937, "an Ordinance to provide for the establishment of a Volunteer Naval Defence Force". Members of the State Council had passed this Bill although, it must be remembered, they had no say on the subject Defence.
It was decided that the formation would be raised in stages.
Stage 1 was accomplished with the commissioning of two Executive and two Paymaster Lieutenants on 1st January 1938, namely:
Lieutenant F.B. Rigby-Smith.
Lieutenant P.J.B. Oakley
Paymaster Lieut. E.F.N. Gratiaen
Paymaster Lieut. D.S. de Fonseka
One month later, on 1st February, W.G. Beauchamp, a Director of J.M. Robertson & Co. Ltd., was commissioned in the rank of Commander and placed in command. Beauchamp wielded much influence amongst European circles, and his brothers were naval officers.The first officer intake commenced and only four with the necessary knowledge and experience could be found. They were
Sub Lieut (X) M.Monnington
Sub Lieut (X) A.H.H.Boyns
Sub Lieut (X) D.G.Simpson
Sub Lieut (X) B.A.Ohlson
Eight others - two Europeans and six Ceylonese - were selected as "Prospective Officers" and designated "Probationary Sub Lieutenants".
Training now commenced, including Practical training, Sea training conducted on board the harbour tugs, a joint exercise with the Army at Trincomalee, and a cruise to the Pearl Banks in a Fisheries vessel. At the end of the training, those found suitable were commissioned by the Governor, Sir Andrew Caldecott in December 1938.
The enlistment and training of sailors then commenced. The first intake – in keeping with the established bias – was to comprise of educated youths from family backgrounds that, it was believed, would ensure integrity. This class distinction, introduced by the British in their selection of “Educated Ceylonese” to the Legislative Council, was an ingrained trait by this time. They were termed. "Signalman/Gunners", intended be employed in confidential work such as coding and in gunnery: not to perform general seamen’s duties. 28 signed on. The class distinction was reflected in their uniform: they wore white, while others wore blue.
“Signalman/Gunners”, not being enlisted for general seamanship, the work on deck and engine room had to be performed by experienced “Lascars” recruited from the Port Commission, who were termed "Seaman (Lascars)". They, and the Stokers, were experienced in their respective trades and required no professional training, unlike the Signalman/Gunners, who reported for training to Galle Buck Friday afternoons and Saturdays. The origin of the Volunteers’ week end camps can safely be traced back to this practice.
Meanwhile, a new Headquarters was being built on the east side of the Port Commission Railway lines, in Kochchikade. Built at a cost of Rs. 28,000 it provided office accommodation for the Commanding Officer, Staff Officers and Paymaster, messes and an armoury. Outdoor facilities included a small parade ground and a 12-pounder gun bearing the date 1896 on a brass plate. A distinctive illuminated sign "Ceylon For Good Tea" hovered above the Headquarters: it was dismantled at the outbreak of the war and not re-erected thereafter. The Headquarters was declared open by the Governor on 14th June, 1939, and was used in that capacity till the premises at Kochchikade was handed over to the Sri Lanka Ports Authority in the late 1990s.
At this point of time, the CNVF cost the Government very little. In 1937 - 38A, under Head 9, a sum of Rs. 28,667 was voted, but only Rs. 1,812 had been spent up to the end of the third quarter. The next year, with increased recruitment anticipated, a sum of Rs. 77,409 was voted.
In December 1938, another piece of legislation which was to be read as one with the “Naval Volunteer Force Ordinance” was passed. This was the “Ceylon Naval Volunteer Force (General Service) Ordinance”, No.44 of 1938, created under the “Colonial Naval Volunteer Ordinance” of 1931 (Whitehall), provided for the CNVF to be absorbed for General Service by the Royal Navy. Even before this, from the letters in the Public Records Office it appears that the CNVF was referred to by the Governor and the Colonial office as the CRNVR.
On 31st August, 1939, at 2100, general instructions were issued to all members of the CNVF to report at Headquarters for fully mobilised service. (The Ceylon Light Infantry, or CLI, and the Ceylon Garrison Artillery, or CGA, were mobilized three days later). A Gazette Extraordinary dated 2nd October 1939, placed the Force on a war footing. The day of the “week-end sailor” had ended. |
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