The reaction of the United People's Freedom Alliance was spontaneous. Just two days after the main Opposition United National Party (UNP) spearheaded a rally at Colombo's Hyde Park to demand the release from jail of former General Sarath Fonseka, there was one by trade unions backing the government. It was led by Transport Minister Kumara Welgama and Western Province Governor cum trade unionist Alavi Mowlana. As a result, Colombo Fort was choked with traffic jams on Friday afternoon.
They bore placards which called for the ouster of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Others said Eya Fonsekata Kadey Yanawa. Literally translated, it meant he was going shopping for Fonseka. Its real meaning was to say he was now backing one time Commander of the Army, Sarath Fonseka.
Others shouted slogans like Rata Drohi Veda Nokarang (Do not resort to traitorous acts) and Aney Ranil Lajja Nedda, Ohamada Balayata Enney (Ranil - Are you not ashamed, is this how you want to come to power?).
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| Hyde Park goes GREEN as the UNP spearheads a rally for Sarath Fonseka’s release. Pic by Indika Handuwala |
An aside against Sevanagala Sugar Industries Limited owner Daya Gamage, whose company was taken over despite strong objections by Wickremesinghe, said: Daya-Ranil Ekathu Vela, Seeni Tikata Thattu Kala (Daya-Ranil joined together to destroy sugar). There were also attacks on UNP's Communication Head Mangala Samaraweera and Fonseka. One asked Samaraweera not to betray the people and the country. On Fonseka, a placard that could easily be a reminder to many others, said Kala Kala Dey Pala Pala Day, Fonsekatath Paladey (Something akin to what you sow, you shall reap. It had happened to Fonseka too).
There seemed a comical paradox to this latest political drama. The ruling party has trained its guns, or should one say artillery, on Wickremesinghe. All because he put together, a public rally where the main demand was to seek acclaimed war hero Fonseka's release from jail. Even Co-Deputy Leader, Sajith Premadasa, who once accused Wickremesinghe of having a hora givisuma or 'secret pact' with the UPFA leadership, was in attendance. When the rally was over, crowds moved to the Lipton Circus. Though not a place of any religious reverence, some dashed coconuts there. The ritual is usually carried out at certain Devales and Kovils to invoke the curse of gods. There was little doubt that last Tuesday's ritual was directed at the UPFA leadership.
Moratorium ends
All this seems to have provoked the government. With a two thirds majority at its command, very strong, both politically and militarily, last Tuesday's UNP backed event appears to have sent some shivers down the UPFA. What exactly is the last straw that broke the UPFA camel's back into a turbo charged response is still not clear. But it began on Wednesday, the very next day after the Hyde Park rally. The government's self-imposed 'moratorium' of not taking in any more UNP parliamentarians into UPFA fold was lifted unexpectedly. Colombo District UNP parliamentarian Mohanlal Grero, was to cross the floor from the opposition benches to the government side.
Just a day earlier, Grero was at the Hyde Park rally. There were some signs, though undetected, that he was planning to abandon the UNP. At a tea party that followed ceremonies to mark the 125th anniversary of Ananda College last Monday, Grero was seen in conversation with President Mahinda Rajapaksa. "The deal was struck there," said a UNP leader. Grero also asked Opposition Whip John Ameratunga for time to make a speech on the last day when a vote was to be taken on the first reading of the budget.
Ameratunga allotted him 25 minutes and casually briefed Wickremesinghe about the request. Soon after the crossover, Grero also met Rajapaksa in his office in Parliament. The news of his crossover in the media on Thursday was also to speak of the reward he would receive in the Ministry of Education. That naturally gave rise to speculation whether he had been negotiating his crossover even while he raised his clenched fist at the Hyde Park rally to the chorus of crowds that chanted "Release Fonseka; Release Fonseka." The UNP hierarchy claimed that there was an Inland Revenue Department inquiry against Grero's business venture, a string of international schools which brought him substantial revenue. Grero told the Sunday Times "this is a totally false allegation. There was also another false allegation that the government was trying to take over my schools. There is no truth to these. I did not cross over under any pressure. That is the honest truth." He made a seven page statement in Parliament after his crossover. Here are edited excerpts:
"In schools the important factor is the teacher. However due to the lack of a proper policy on recruitment, transfers and promotions the education sector has turned into a mess. Part of the money allocated on education is wasted. The Most important person in a school is the principal. But is there a proper policy to improve the management of schools? There are a series of problems regarding the education sector. Do we have a mechanism to correct the problems? Today 90 per cent of the problems in the country are due to shortcomings in the education sector. A good education is the best solution.
"In 2004 it was the former Education Minister Dr. Karunasena Koduthuwakku who proposed that I should be given nomination to contest elections. It was the present education minister Bandula Gunawardena who brought that message to me and encouraged me. At that stage I had gained a great knowledge about education and had an idea about a national educational policy. I entered politics to resolve problems in the education sector and not to gain political power, money and popularity. Not to become a king, but to make the children of the country kings. For the Presidential elections in 2005 the UNP's policy on education was sent by Mr Ranil Wickremesinghe through Mr Bandula Gunawardena to me. I discussed the policy with experts in the educational field those such as Prof Lakshman Jayawardena and Prof Roland Abeypala and handed it back to Mr. Wickremesinghe. I am sorry that none of my proposals were included for the 2005 Presidential election manifesto.
"In 2005 when the UPFA came to power I met the Education Minister Susil Premajayantha and handed over the proposals on education to see that the country will benefit from it. After being elected to parliament in 2010 though the events in the well of the House mentally disturbed you, the room in which the education committee assembled brought me relief. The only valuable thing in coming to parliament was attending the Special Educational committee. I attended all 25 meetings……..
"During this budget the allocations for education has been increased. For the educational sector US dollars 600 million (Rs 66 billion) has been made available as loans. I thought that instead of cursing the darkness I should to try to light a lamp. I decided to contribute my knowledge, experience and talents for the success of the educational sector. For this purpose I have decided to extend my support for the budget and work along with the government.
In taking this decision I recall the first lessons in politics given to me by leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Therefore I have decided to do what I love more of serving the education sector for the benefit of the children. I promise that without asking for extra benefits I would work towards implementing the proposals for the betterment of the educational sector."
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| Pro-government supporters led by Transport Minister Kumara Welgama and WP Gov. Alavi Moulana rally at Colombo Fort. |
This the story of an international schools owner who speaks of his "knowledge, experience and talent". He seems to have realised that he could contribute to the government in the field of education only a year and eight months after becoming a UNP parliamentarian.
That wisdom, funny enough, had dawned on him in less than 24 hours after he took part in the UNP led Hyde Park rally. On Friday afternoon, Grero joined an exclusive club -- the third "monitoring" MP in the UPFA government. One is Sajin Vaas Gunawardena who monitors the Ministry of External Affairs.
The other is Duminda Silva who monitors the Ministry of Defence and Urban Development. He is now undergoing treatment at Singapore's Mount Elizabeth Hospital. He was badly injured on the October 8 local polls day shootout in which presidential advisor Bharatha Lakshman Premachandra was killed. Silva was given the task of 'monitoring' matters related to the Urban Development Authority (UDA). UPFA sources said yesterday Grero was likely to be made a Deputy Minister when a cabinet re-shuffle takes place next month. On Friday, UNP voters from Grero's constituency of Dehiwela-Mount Lavinia went in protest against his decision to cross over shouting slogans, one of which was "Hakke Budu Ras; Bokke Income Tax".
Though the Democratic National Alliance (DNA) had decided not to take part in last Tuesday's Hyde Park rally, the fact that the UNP held it together with the support of other organisations makes the UPFA's ire against Wickremesinghe even more significant. More so, because it was held without the presence of Anoma Fonseka, wife of the former General. Is that based on the premise that the UNP backed event had led to more crowds than one that could be mustered by the DNA? Though Premadasa took part, arrangements had almost entirely been made by groups loyal to Wickremesinghe for the rally. In fact, the UNP leader was livid that one of his MPs had persuaded Ms Fonseka not to take part in the rally. Deputy Leader Karu Jayasuriya was away in India and returned on Wednesday.
He told the Sunday Times he represented the Maha Bodhi Society at the New Delhi World Buddhist Conference organised by the Ashoka Foundation. Higher Education Minister S.B. Dissanayake represented the government. Also taking part were a delegation of Buddhist clergy led by the Most Venerable Udugama Sri Buddharakkhita Thera, Mahanayake of the Asgiriya Chapter.
Jayasuriya said he called on External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna, External Affairs Secretary Ranjan Mathai and National Security Advisor Shiv Shankar Menon. "We talked about a number of bilateral issues related to Sri Lanka," he said. It had included the government's plans for devolution, settling internally displaced persons, the proposed Parliamentary Select Committee to examine proposals to address Tamil grievances and matters relating to the UNP," he said.
Buddhika not welcome
On Thursday, the UNP was set to build on its success at Hyde Park with meetings in the districts. This was to be discussed at a meeting of the UNP parliamentary group. However, Wickremesinghe had to abandon it after he ruled that the meeting cannot take place with the presence of Buddhika Pathirana, MP for Matara District. Wickremesinghe had said that Pathirana had voted with the opposition at the budget (unlike Grero) and that he should not sully his 'good behaviour' under suspension, but there was commotion after Pathirana refused to move from the office of the Leader of the Opposition in the Parliament complex. The first to raise objections was Sajith Premadasa who complained that the inquiry against Pathirana had not been completed though assurances were made that it would be done in two weeks. Among others who wanted Pathirana to be allowed to remain were Harsha de Silva (National List), Harin Fernando (Badulla District), Karu Jayasuriya.
Wickremesinghe said since there was a disciplinary inquiry against Pathirana and he has been suspended, so he could not take part in the meeting. Without naming the person, he said that a party MP had asked Anoma Fonseka not to attend last Tuesday's rally. He said General Secretary Tissa Attanayake would make public the person concerned. However, a member of the Premadasa faction said the co deputy leader had checked with Attanayake. He had learnt that the decision for Ms Fonseka not to attend the event was taken after the DNA had decided to boycott the event. However, Sarath Fonseka had sent a message to the UNP leadership from his prison cell thanking them for holding the rally to demand his release.
On Friday, Deputy Speaker Chandima Weerakkody, told the House that there would be an investigation to ascertain whether Pathirana's privileges as an MP have been violated when he was shut out of the meeting. However, Pathirana disassociated himself from the matter and said he did not require government help and would fight his own battle. That was a gallant thing for him to say. The fact that such "an investigation" is being held reflects the hard line stance the UPFA now wants to adopt against Wickremesinghe.
Some important decisions in the UNP will come next week. Tomorrow, the party's Advisory Committee will meet. Thereafter, a meeting of the Working Committee, the party's main policy making body, is scheduled for Wednesday.
At this meeting, Wickremesinghe is to seek re-election as the leader of the party. General Secretary Attanayake has already sent out a note to senior members stipulating the provisions in the UNP constitution for the election of a leader. In a significant move, a resolution is to be adopted before the elections begin. That gives the criteria under which the party leader can be elected. This is what the resolution says:
"SELECTION OF MAIN OFFICE BEARERS OF THE PARTY:
"Under the 2011 new constitution the election of party office bearers (main officers) - Leader, Deputy Leader, Assistant Leader, Chairman and National Organiser posts should be selected under 8.1 of the party constitution with common consensus among the working committee or in the event of the failure to do so, by a secret vote of the Working Committee and the Parliamentary Group.
"If any person wants to contest for any post they should meet the following criteria.
1. Be a member of the UNP.
2. Be a member of the National Executive Committee.
3. Be a member in the Party Working Committee for at least 10 years as of the day of contesting for the post.
4. The person contesting should be a member of the Working Committee or a Member of Parliament.
5. As Member of Parliament completing one term (Six years).
6. A person who has not been subjected to disciplinary action by the party disciplinary committee.
"The nominations should be accepted by the General Secretary of the party in accordance with the decision taken by the Working Committee and after examination of the qualifications and accuracy of the applications the Advisory Committee should submit the names to the joint meeting of the Working Committee and the Parliamentary group."
The resolution, the so called reformist faction led by Premadasa says, effectively shuts out Deputy Leader, Karu Jayasuriya from contesting for the post of UNP leader. He left the party for over two years to serve as a cabinet minister in the Rajapaksa government. Although technically he remained a member of the UNP, those backing the resolution say, he faced a serious disciplinary inquiry for his conduct.
The decisions at Wednesday's Working Committee meeting will go for endorsement before the party's annual conference for which a date is yet to be determined. The important question for Wednesday's meeting is whether Wickremesinghe will be elected unanimously or will face a challenge from any contender.
Last year, Premadasa who made a strong pitch for the leadership later compromised his stance and opted to accept the post of co-deputy leader. UNP sources say that despite his acceptance, the UNP constitution does not make any provision for such an office. Although Premadasa who leads the faction of so called revisionists has remained silent publicly; his group is known to be busy to prevent Wickremesinghe from being elected unanimously. For this purpose, they want to field a candidate though who will fit this role is not yet known.
Mangala Samaraweera, head of the UNP Communications Unit told the Sunday Times, "it is clear that the government has gone on the defensive after our first rally at Hyde Park. We have plans to hold more of them in the districts. There will be more worries for the UPFA. People have now lost confidence in the government. There is no law and order and corruption is mounting. The writing is on the wall and they are panicking."
UNP sources say there are more "surprises" in the form of protests they are planning against the government. Whether this will drive the government into high gear in panic mode remains the critical question. The answers will come in the days and weeks ahead.
US Pacific Command to help rebuild war-damaged hospitals
- President welcomes assistance, allays Weerawansa's fears of American military involvement
- December not holiday time but hard work as Govt. works overtime on HR issues
The role of the United States in Sri Lanka became the subject of discussion when the cabinet met on Wednesday night for its regular weekly meeting.
Health Minister Maithripala Sirisena had tabled a cabinet paper to utilise funds offered by the US Pacific Command (PACOM) to build new hospitals and repair war-damaged ones in the north. The new ones are to replace those destroyed during the separatist war. The funds from PACOM's humanitarian assistance programme are being channelled through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) office in Colombo. A limited presence of PACOM personnel already attached to this office will facilitate the work. PACOM's area of control spans half the earth and is home to more than three billion people living in three dozen nations - five of which are allied with the U.S. and many more of which are important economic and security partners.
Quick to raise concerns was Wimal Weerawansa, Minister of Construction, Engineering Services, Housing and Common Amenities. He said the government should not allow such a move and warned it was a stepping stone for US military involvement in Sri Lanka. It could become a ruse to bring US troops to Sri Lanka. He seemed to fear that through hospitals, both new and old, the United States would gain a military foothold in Sri Lanka. He also cautioned that this has happened in other countries.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa moved in to assuage his fears. He declared that all work related to the projects would be handled by the government of Sri Lanka. He said that during the separatist war against Tiger guerrillas, the US Department of Defence had supported the Sri Lanka government's military campaign. It was the US Department of State that had raised various issues. He opined that the hospitals would serve the people in the north. Rajapaksa did not see any military threat. Already, countries which are arch-rivals are competing with each other in projects to develop the north. Both India and China were building railroads. India is clearing the Kankesanthurai Port where sunken cargo and naval vessels have badly hindered its functioning. Though the building of 50,000 houses by India for those rendered homeless during the war has not got off to a full start, sample units are now almost complete.
The Indian High Commission in Colombo said on Friday that the $ 260 million dollar (Rs 29.4 billion) project would cover three components: (a) Reconstruction of 38,000 houses under the owner-driven model for IDPs; (b) Repairs of 5,000 houses under the owner-driven model for IDPs; and (c) Construction of 6,000 houses by agencies for vulnerable sections of IDPs in the Northern and Eastern provinces and for IOTs (Indian Origin Tamils) in the Central and Uva Provinces.
Chinese companies are reconstructing roads in the war-ravaged areas. Other Chinese investors are looking at a number of other projects. Hence, the presence of an international player amidst their regional counterparts, Rajapaksa believed, would bring more benefits than harm.
As shown time and again, Rajapaksa's stance makes clear that he did not always endorse strong views held by constituent partners in his UPFA government when it came to foreign policy issues. Though he persuaded Weerawansa to give up a fast unto death outside the United Nations compound in Colombo just two days after it had begun, he made no comment on the National Freedom Front leader's demand - that UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon disband the three-member panel he appointed to probe alleged war crimes in Sri Lanka. It is now history that the panel sat and brought forth its findings that both troops and Tiger guerrillas had allegedly committed violations of international humanitarian laws, basically 'war crimes', during the final stages of the separatist war. The fallout from these developments is still preoccupying the government.
Significant enough, Weerawansa's objections came when the government is studying the outcome of its own probe -- the final report of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC). Our front-page report reveals how President Rajapaksa proposes to deal with the recommendations. The Commission's observations and recommendations are now being translated into Sinhala and Tamil. This is a prelude to it being presented in Parliament. Rajapaksa wants the translations available at the same time the English version is presented in Parliament so that UPFA parliamentarians will be able to study the report and be prepared to carry the official response to people in their respective areas. This week, Rajapaksa posed for a photographer from the Associated Press news agency in casual wear reading the LLRC report.
Despite the humanitarian role by the PACOM in the former battlefields of the separatist war, in the recent weeks the US has cleared any ambiguities that may have existed in the postures of the State and Defence Departments during the military campaign under the Rajapaksa administration. Robert M. Scher, US Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defence for South and South Asian Affairs during his address at the 'Galle Dialogue,' a maritime conference, set out Washington's position.
The concluding paragraphs of his speech, which raised concerns at the highest levels of the UPFA government, declared, "There will always be some boundaries to cooperation, be it bilateral or multilateral: misalignment of priorities, different approaches and uneven capabilities. But, it is clear that engagement with nations around the world on the basis of mutual interest and mutual respect is, and will continue to be, an important part of US foreign policy, no matter the difficulty. But I must note that another important part of US foreign policy is engagement in support of human rights. The Obama administration has made it clear that it will pursue policies that include both engagements with those with whom we share interests and on behalf of improvements in human rights. These two approaches are not in competition, but must, by necessity, be pursued in conjunction with each other."
However, earlier Sri Lanka did discuss help from the United States when the military campaign against Tiger guerrillas was under way. One such instance was to seek assistance to develop an air defence capability in the wake of threats posed by the guerrilla air wing. A leaked Wikileaks cable in April 2007, two years before the military defeat of the guerrillas, by then US Ambassador to Sri Lanka, Robert Blake said, "Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa convoked Ambassador and Defence Attache on March 30 to request the visit of a U.S. military team to assess how Sri Lanka can improve its air defence capabilities to defend against possible future LTTE air attacks. Rajapaksa outlined the country's current radar configuration and asked for U.S. radars to augment Indian-supplied two dimensional radars and the soon-to-be-completed purchase of a Chinese three dimensional radar. Ambassador (Blake) underscored that if the U.S. agrees to this request, we would want to work transparently with India. The Defence Secretary confirmed that would be fine, but noted that Sri Lanka would want to approach India before the U.S. makes contact on this issue. The (US) Embassy recommended that the USG (US government) respond positively to the GSL request for an assessment team.
"Rajapaksa said that Sri Lanka had known about the LTTE's efforts to create an air wing for at least eight years, including full knowledge that the LTTE had at least two aircraft. While the government had made efforts to build an air defence system, the recent LTTE air raid (ref) demonstrated that the current system is not sufficient to counter the LTTE's offensive air capability. The Defence Secretary said that radars in Vavuniya had picked up an unidentified aircraft as had the civilian radar at the airport at the last minute, but otherwise the attack had escaped detection. The aircraft was able to travel from the north along the western interior of the country over Wilpattu National Park, strike the airfield and return to the north. Rajapaksa indicated the LTTE attack caused only slight damage to several helicopters including two MI-17 helicopters on loan from India. The bombs had exploded when they hit the roofs of the hangars, mitigating the effects of the bombs. The bomb had also been packed with pellets rather than incendiary charges that might have caused more damage. He pointed out that the bombs hit only in and around the hangars supporting helicopters; Sri Lakan Air Force Jets were not in the area attacked, and not damaged.
"Rajapaksa said that Sri Lanka's current radar systems are not sufficient to meet the LTTE air threat. He told the Ambassador, India provided two radars that have two dimensional capabilities and would provide two more radars in the future. Sri Lanka had been working with India to receive three dimensional radars but after years of not receiving them, decided to purchase a Chinese system that is now in the process of being installed. In addition to the radar systems, Rajapaksa noted that not a single L70 anti-aircraft fire direction radar -- also provided by India -- was working making any attempts to shoot down an aircraft at night difficult.
"The Defence Secretary requested U.S. military assistance in assessing Sri Lanka's entire Air Defence System and help in acquiring the hardware required to upgrade their system. The Defence Secretary opined that a U.S. radar may be needed, but noted the first step must be a professional military assessment of Sri Lanka's whole air defence system. He asked that the US military send such a team. He specifically requested that the team comprise professional military officers and not contractors.
"Ambassador responded that the Embassy would convey Sri Lanka's request to Washington immediately. Noting the assistance the Government of India had already provided for Sri Lanka's air defence system and the importance of working in a transparent manner, the Ambassador asked, if Washington decides to approve Sri Lanka's request, whether the Government of Sri Lanka would have any objection to the U.S. team briefing India either before or after their visit to Sri Lanka. Rajapaksa responded that he would have no objection to coordinating with India. He suggested that the U.S. should first decide if it can send a team, after which Sri Lanka would inform the Government of India.
"Embassy recommends Washington approve the Government of Sri Lanka's request to send an assessment team. Since Sri Lanka remains vulnerable to another attack, we recommend this take place as soon as possible. Rajapaksa clearly understood that if a team is approved and if they recommend the acquisition of new radar, such radar would likely not be free of charge. He also commented that given the assistance the U.S. already has provided to help Sri Lanka establish maritime surveillance radars under Section 1206, there might be some merit in establishing an integrated air and maritime system.
BLAKE."
A US team did arrive and make a fuller study. Inputs from them together with equipment from India and China strengthened Sri Lanka's air defences.
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| President Rajapaksa reclined with the LLRC report |
Nevertheless, the US remained cautious. Just two months before, on January 31, 2007, then Ambassador Blake, according to another leaked Wikileaks cable noted, "The USG faces some risk that the Government of Sri Lanka might seek to exploit the signing to convey the USG's support for possible on-going offensive military operations. The Embassy therefore recommends the Ambassador sign the agreement in a low-key ceremony with Secretary Rajapaksa in late February. The Sri Lankan military is presently engaged in mop-up operations against the LTTE in eastern Sri Lanka. However, the Defence Secretary and other military leaders have hinted they are considering further offensive military operations in northern Sri Lanka.
"The USG has informed the GSL that we oppose large scale offensive military operations because we believe the Government should focus on developing a power-sharing proposal that can form the basis for peace negotiations with the LTTE. We recommend holding off on the signing ceremony until late February when we will have a clearer idea of the Sri Lankan military's intentions………
"Since the ACSA benefits U.S. forces transiting through the region, and since the GSL might leak news of the signing, the Embassy proposes to have the Ambassador sign the ACSA with the Defence Secretary with a select number of photographers and no statements. The Embassy will then issue a press release following the ceremony explaining the purpose of the ACSA.
"Background (as provided to Sri Lankan government): The Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement (ACSA) as authorized by Congress and approved by the Office of the Secretary of Defence (OSD) is an agreement between the Department of Defence and Sri Lanka Ministry of Defence. This agreement facilitates reciprocal logistic support during combined exercises, training, deployments, operations, or other cooperative efforts, and assists in contingencies in which Sri Lanka or the United States may have a need of logistic support, supplies, and services. The ACSA is not a treaty and does not guarantee support will be provided. Rather, it is a streamlined process in accordance with U.S. law to provide and receive logistical support without the lengthy Foreign Military Sales process to which both parties must agree before any transaction can occur. The transaction can be in the form of cash exchange, assistance-in-kind, or even value exchange. BLAKE"
Notwithstanding this, the Sunday Times learnt that there was backing to the Ministry of Defence by the US Defence Department in the military campaign against the Tiger guerrillas. Though it did not take the form of military hardware, nevertheless such assistance was considerable, a Defence Ministry source said yesterday. However, the source declined to elaborate except to add that "those inputs were substantial and produced productive results."
During his meetings with senior government leaders in Sri Lanka last month, Deputy Assistant Defence Secretary Sher said that "United states needs to see continued progress in promoting the rights of all Sri Lankans." He also called for what he termed concrete steps "to bring about reconciliation with the Tamil population. He made clear it was "critically important" that "a serious effort" is made by the Sri Lanka government "to ensure accountability for serious violations of human rights during the war."
Complementing this position was a simultaneous request by the US government to allow its Ambassador in Sri Lanka Patricia Butenis to review the final report of the LLRC. Government sources say that once the report is tabled in Parliament, External Affairs Minister G.L. Peiris, will provide copies to the diplomatic community in Colombo and brief them on the follow up action being taken. By the time this happens, President Rajapaksa would have already announced the mechanisms he has set in motion based on the recommendations of the LLRC final report.
December, the last month in the calendar, usually signifies a holiday season. However, for the UPFA government, it would be weeks of hard work formulating strategies to defend its human rights record after the LLRC report is made public. That will become high priority since the UN Human Rights Council is likely to discuss Sri Lanka in March next year.
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